Patricia W. Manning
Last modified: November 2016
Ever since Ignatius of Loyola (c.1491–1556) recovered from cannonball wounds in the company of borrowed devotional texts, the Iberian peninsula has been a significant referent for the Society of Jesus. Beyond the geographical circumstances of Loyola’s birth and early life, a number of influential members of what John W. O’Malley terms “the inner circle of first Jesuits” were Spanish, including Diego Laínez (1512–65), Francisco de Borja (1510–72), Juan Alfonso de Polanco (1517–73), and Jerónimo Nadal (1507–80).1 King Philip II (r.1556–98) attempted to continue this direction by exerting pressure on the Jesuits to continue to place Spaniards in the office of superior general.2 Despite the clearly international orientation of a religious order headquartered in Rome, during the Franco dictatorship (1939–1975), propagandistic claims that the Society of Jesus was Spanish attempted to manufacture an image of Spain as the cradle of the Counter-Reformation.
Examples such as this one give rise to the cultural commonplace that history is cyclical. In the third part of his allegorical novel El Criticón, Baltasar Gracián (1601–58) depicts time as a wheel that rotates all manner of events in a two-hundred-year-long cycle.3 The cyclical nature of historiography about the pre-suppression Society of Jesus in Spain is not that of the so-called Hegelian dialectic in which thesis leads to antithesis and eventually to synthesis. Rather, the pattern of historiography concerning the Jesuits in Spain prior to 1767 is best envisioned in terms of oceanic tidal cycles. Tides, like methodologies and historical schools of thought, predictably arrive and recede. Sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth-century historiographical works about the order that often focused on the community’s sanctity or good works gave way to nineteenth-century rationalist historiographies based on documentary evidence. Beyond the tidal cycle of action and reaction about historiographical writing, other forces, such as the phases of the moon or weather patterns, or strong sentiments about the Jesuits in a particular historical moment or political circumstance, influence this process. Finally, as becomes evident in the study of cargo lost at sea, currents can move objects (or ideas) for long periods and deposit them in unexpected places. Certain interpretations, like Juan de Palafox’s (1600–59) criticism of the Society of Jesus in the 1640s and 1650s or the intrinsic Spanishness of the community, periodically resurface. Rather than arrive at a period of synthesis, twenty-first-century historiography has diversified the topics for analysis as well as the points of view about the Jesuits.
A number of early Jesuits took pains to keep records of their efforts, principally by archiving documents or by writing histories. As evidenced by Polanco’s Chronicon Societatis Iesu, chronicling the life of the community was important to the earliest Jesuits. Polanco made this yearly accounting of events not for publication, but rather as a resource for future historians of the order.4 Scholarship about the community often interprets the early Society’s conscientiousness about documenting its history as a new religious order’s desire to legitimize itself. This imperative certainly motivated early historiographical works and set the tone for subsequent historical interests of the Jesuit community. In 1598, Superior General Claudio Acquaviva (in office, 1581–1615) requested that all provincials ensure that their provinces compose their own histories.5 Yet, the need to legitimize a recent foundation cannot entirely explain the community’s sustained interest in historiography once the community was well established. This enduring level of historical consciousness is consistent with the value the initial Jesuits placed on research, as evidenced by Polanco’s investigations of the policies of other religious orders in formulating the Society’s regulations, and on scholarship.6
Beyond historiographical momentum from within the community, in late sixteenth- and early seventeenth-century Iberia, a number of religious orders also wrote their histories.7 To mention but two examples, José de Sigüenza (1544–1606) published the history of the Jeronymite order in three parts in 1595, 1600, and 1605.8 In 1615, the third part of Marcos de Lisboa’s (1511–91) 1570 chronicle about the Franciscans was reprinted.9 These histories also likely motivated the pre-suppression Jesuit community in Spain to chronicle their experiences.
Rather than undertake large-scale studies, a significant number of early Jesuit historiographical works in Spain focused on more local topics, such as provincial histories, and generally circulated in handwritten form.10 Martín de Roa (c.1560–1637) and Juan de Santibáñez (1582–1650) both documented the province of Andalusia.11 Pedro de Guzmán (1545–1600) and Luis de Valdivia (1561–1642) wrote histories of the province of Castile.12 Amidst these smaller-scale histories, Pedro de Ribadeneyra (1527–1611) made the relatively rare decision to examine multiple provinces in his nine-volume Historia de la Asistencia de España.
Evidence from the province of Aragon suggests that the preparation of provincial histories was so important that regulations were relaxed to facilitate historiographers’ work. Because Gabriel Álvarez (1564–1645) was preparing an account of the province, he could enter others’ rooms, permit others to visit his and lock his door.13 All Jesuit houses in the region were urged to contribute to Álvarez’s travel expenses, and provided that his superior agreed, Álvarez could travel by himself on horseback.14 According to his text, in chronicling Jesuit establishments, Álvarez made a round trip of the entire province and examined each house’s archive to obtain information.15
In addition to histories of their provinces, members composed accounts of individual Jesuit institutions, such as Cristóbal de Castro’s (1551–1615) manuscript history of the Colegio Complutense.16 As Augustin de Backer (1809–73) et al. note, Alonso Ezquerra (1904–94) later continued this work to 1600.17 Francisco Mateos references histories of the Colegio de Madrid and of other Jesuit schools in Valencia, Granada, and Seville among confiscated Jesuit papers.18 In studying manuscript histories from Jesuit houses in the province of Andalusia, María Amparo López Arandia observes that they produce strikingly similar narratives, which recount successful mission trips to underserved populations.19 The function of these manuscripts explains their thematic duplications; as López Arandia suggests, they provide inspiring examples for other Jesuits.20
The fact that these histories were not printed merits comment. Within the order, the exchange of information via handwritten letters was fundamental to articulating a Jesuit identity.21 Manuscripts concerning the history of a given province or colegio (a colegio could be either a school or a colegio mayor at a university) that lauded notable deeds or members also helped strengthen this collective identity.
Outside of the Society of Jesus, cultural practices in Spain also favored the circulation of handwritten chronicles. According to Fernando Bouza’s research, a number of historical works only circulated in handwritten form in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Spain.22 As Bouza details, when describing a historical work about King of Castile and León Pedro “the Cruel” (r.1350–69), Jerónimo de Ataíde observed to his friend Juan Francisco Andrés de Uztarroz that although the author planned to have the volume printed, Ataíde suspected that the licensing process might mandate changes to the text.23 Again according to Bouza, Pedro de León made a telling observation in his manuscript history of the Jesuits. Were León’s superiors to request that León print the work: “It would be easy to conceal and cover up some things and leave out others that might have some trace of offensiveness, those which I now express with more clarity and straightforwardness, indeed whoever may desire to see them, may have it readily by our doing from inside without laypeople perhaps disputing our faults and trifles on account of it being in printed form.”24
While León seemed concerned with preserving the image of his order from the potentially contentious laity, the controversy surrounding Francisco de Santa María’s Historia profética, a printed history of the Carmelites, demonstrates that members of religious orders protested histories composed by other communities.25 Among a number of points of contention, this text’s assertion that the Carmelite order traced its lineage to Elijah provoked a number of denunciations to the Spanish Inquisition.26 In 1657, Superior General Goswin Nickel (in office, 1652–64) requested that Jesuit censors not permit the circulation of materials about the origins of the Carmelites that could offend the Carmelites themselves or others.27
In contrast to handwritten historical works composed by Jesuits for those in the order or with connections to it, a number of Jesuit communities printed commemorative books for wider audiences. As was the cultural practice in Iberia, poetic competitions were held to mark notable occasions. For example, likely in 1728, the archbishop of Cartagena published the “poetic joust” held at the Jesuit Colegio de Murcia in honor of the cults of Saints Luigi Gonzaga (1568–91) and Stanisław Kostka (1550–68).28 Other imprints demonstrate that Jesuit establishments, particularly colegios, also feted royal occasions, such as the birth of an heir to Spanish royals.29 In addition to book-length compilations of poetry, sermons, and sometimes emblems, shorter descriptive commemorative pamphlets also were produced.30
Naturally, Jesuit communities celebrated the canonization of members, especially that of Ignatius of Loyola.31 As López Arandia notes, printed texts celebrating canonizations frequently recounted miracles attributed to the saint.32 Also according to López Arandia’s research, Jesuit manuscripts conceded that printed miracle narratives were helpful to fundraising efforts;33 however, imprints concerning royals take a more subtle approach. For example, in 1603 the Jesuit colegio in Madrid published a book to mark the death of Empress María de Austria (1528–1603), who was a patron of the institution.34 While the work memorialized an important figure at court, it also could encourage potential donors who wished to be similarly remembered after their passing.
In 1640, the Society marked its centenary. Although such a commemoration seems natural to us in the twenty-first century, as Peter Burke observes, the Jesuits’ observation of this occasion was notable because it was not typical for the era and therefore demonstrated the community’s “image-consciousness.”35 This interest in promulgating a defined Jesuit identity is evident in the works published in 1640 to celebrate community’s first hundred years, most notably the emblem book Imago primi saeculi.36 Since Spain and Spanish Jesuits were so significant to the early community, many of these texts reference the order’s experience in this country. Local Jesuit houses also circulated commemorative sermons as well as printed and manuscript accounts of celebrations to mark the hundredth anniversary of the community.37
In the twenty-first century, we no longer study the past solely in terms of unitary presentations of corporate institutional culture or of great males, but both are common approaches for seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Jesuit historiographers. If one seeks to address different questions, other types of textual evidence, like commemorative publications, offer material about Jesuit institutions and their interactions with residents of the areas in which they were located.
Manuscript histories served as valuable models for subsequent Jesuit historians. At the beginning of his printed text, Bartolomé de Alcázar (1648–1721) acknowledged his debt to Valdivia’s manuscript history of the province of Castile.38 Alcázar’s two part Chrono-historia de la Compañia de Jesús en la provincia de Toledo y elogios de sus varones illustres... was printed in 1710 and offers a year-by-year account of the province of Toledo between 1540 and 1580. Rather than openly celebrate the order, Alcázar documented the manner in which it overcame adversity. The Jesuits were mistreated in various towns, like Zaragoza in 1555 where they were accused of being “Lutherans,” fled and subsequently returned to reestablish their colegio.39 At times, demonic forces started rumors against the Jesuits, as Alcázar asserted was the case about gossip in Naples that Alfonso Salmerón (1515–85) had been arrested.40 As the title suggests, this work does emphasize the virtues of notable Jesuits, usually to memorialize them when considering events in the year of their deaths.
As the goals of internal history and external image and patronage began to overlap, several factors likely influenced the decision to print this text rather than disseminate it via handwritten copies. First, the printing of models of Jesuit piety likely was intended to demonstrate the community’s orthodoxy to the public at large. Over the years, various Jesuit authors’ works had been banned or expurgated in the Spanish Inquisition’s Indices [of Prohibited Books]. In 1632, Superior General Muzio Vitelleschi (in office, 1615–45) wrote to Provincial of Aragon Pedro Continente (1587–1651) to urge the order’s censors to be stricter in their evaluations of the works that they authorized for publication.41 By 1654, Superior General Nickel warned that since each version of the Roman Index censured at least one work by a Jesuit, censors for the order who failed to eliminate objectionable material would be punished.42
Second, by rehashing early attacks against the order, such as the 1564 rumor that the Jesuits sent to the Council of Trent had not been up to the task,43 Alcázar offered the reader a framework in which to interpret more contemporary negative information about the community, namely as part of a long-standing pattern of calumnies.
Since Alcázar’s two volumes cost a total of 2,344 maravedís, it seems unlikely that many non-Jesuit readers would invest such a sum to purchase them.44 Yet, anyone perusing a bookshop could look at them. In fact, Spanish readers who chose not to purchase texts nonetheless were known to read them in bookshops.45 The episodic structure of Alcázar’s narrative lends itself to a quick reading on the sly in a store. By the same token, a non-literate affiliate of the order or a layperson hearing the work read aloud would not need to follow a narrative thread.
Finally, although Alcázar referenced a reading public outside of the Jesuit community in his work,46 and despite the order’s preference for circulating texts for internal consumption in manuscript form, by the early eighteenth century, practical motives favored printing. As Paul Nelles’s research demonstrates, even in the sixteenth century the order’s growth necessitated alterations in the manner in which inspirational information circulated among Jesuit communities because of the challenges of producing sufficient handwritten copies.47 By 1710, the number of Jesuit houses that would acquire Alcázar’s text for their libraries likely was substantial. The 1757 catalog of the library of the Colegio Máximo in Córdoba, Argentina demonstrates the degree to which Jesuit communities collected histories for the edification of their residents. According to Esteban F. Llamosas’s transcription, not only did the library possess a copy of Alcázar’s history and a chronicle about Jesuits in Brazil, but it also owned a work about Jesuit missionary efforts in China.48
Although it would be easy to classify all early accounts as essentially laudatory, some were less sanctimonious, at least in their first versions. In 1660, Assistant Domingo Langa (dates unknown) wrote to the provincial of Aragon that the publication of the fourth part of a history by Jesuits in Flanders offered a “good occasion to stipulate that it be reformed, and that the things it contains that are prejudicial to our nation, to the Blessed Borja, and to some authoritative Spanish fathers worthy of glorious memory be removed.”49 Thus, in contrast to depictions of the order as a monolithic entity, both in anti-Jesuit polemics and in pro-Catholic historiography, differing points of view existed in the community.
Hagiography and Historiography
Whereas Alcázar’s printed book and manuscript histories often interspersed the lives of noteworthy Jesuits with other material, other works concentrated exclusively on exemplary Jesuits, beginning with Pedro de Ribadeneyra’s Flos sanctorum.50 The third part of Valdivia’s manuscript and Juan Eusebio Nieremberg’s (1595–1658) Varones ilustres continued this tradition. While texts like Nieremberg’s do not meet our criteria for historiography, and likely for this reason receive relatively little attention according to José Luis Betrán, they nonetheless provide valuable information about the Jesuit ethos and ample material for the study of hagiography and of perceptions of sanctity and religiosity.51 As is evidenced by the continuation of Nieremberg’s text after his death by Alonso de Andrade (1590–1672), another continuation subsequent to Andrade’s and several reprintings, this hagiographical approach to the past has endured.52
The title of one volume of Nieremberg’s four-volume work—Ideas de virtvd en algvnos claros varones de la Compañia de Iesvs: Para los religiosos della (Ideas on virtue in some illustrious men of the Society of Jesus, for the religious of it) (emphasis mine)—suggests that the collection was composed for use by fellow Jesuits.53 Yet, the dedications of several volumes to noblepeople, combined with the texts’ printed format, more strongly imply that Nieremberg also had a lay readership in mind. After all, hagiography was a popular genre for the Spanish reading public who would be particularly interested in their compatriots. According to Betrán’s calculations, Nieremberg’s Varones had a decidedly patriotic focus; more than fifty percent of the 525 individuals Nieremberg considered were Hispanic.54
Historical Writing and the Spanish Empire
In addition, Nieremberg’s attitude toward indigenous peoples was clearly influenced by the harsher philosophical underpinnings of Spain’s imperial tactics that, unfortunately, found more adherents outside of religious communities in seventeenth-century Spain. In discussing the martyrdom of three Jesuits in Uruguay, Nieremberg affirmed the value of the Spanish conquest: “because it is necessary to first subdue [and in this context likely to place in reducciones] those savage people to some kind of humanity and republic.”55 The violence towards indigenous peoples in the Americas and the critique of it by Spaniards like Bartolomé de las Casas (1484–1566) became the foundation of the Black Legend, the depiction of the extreme cruelty of Spain’s imperial process.56 While the Black Legend did not explicitly reference the Jesuits, as one of the orders involved in evangelization in the Americas, they were tinged by it. In point of fact, some of the negative discourse about Spain in the Black Legend resembles criticisms of the Jesuits in polemical texts.57 In honor of the quatercentenary of the community, Enrique Benítez Aldama attempted to contradict this connection in La leyenda negra antijesuita.58
Beyond fomenting debates about the treatment of indigenous residents, the politics of the Spanish empire intensified the doctrinal and procedural disagreements among men of the cloth that one sees elsewhere in the early modern Catholic world. Although such tensions lie outside of the scope of this essay, one jurisdictional disagreement with Juan de Palafox y Mendoza, then bishop of Puebla, resulted in long-term consequences for the interpretation of the Society of Jesus. In 1642, Bishop Palafox decided that religious orders should tithe on agricultural products grown on their lands; however, local Jesuits did not concur.59 In the ensuing years, Palafox’s dispute with the Society of Jesus escalated, including correspondence between Palafox and the pope and a flurry of publications on both sides of the disagreement, until the bishop had to give up his see in Mexico for a less prominent one in Spain. Palafox made a number of detailed critiques about the Society of Jesus, including of its wealth, which resurfaced in Spain in the eighteenth century.60
Pre-suppression Spanish Jesuits did not limit their chronicling efforts to their order; in fact, a number of Jesuits made notable contributions to the national historiography of Spain. As long-term ministers to the moriscos (descendants of Muslim inhabitants of Spain), Jesuit chroniclers described unrest in the Alpujarras.61 Although Juan de Mariana’s (1536–1624) Historia general de España was first published in Spanish early in the seventeenth century, in Henry Kamen’s estimation, Mariana’s work “remained the history most consulted by Spaniards” for some three centuries.62 José Francisco de Isla’s Compendio de la historia de España, which translated Jean Baptiste Philipoteau Duchesne’s French text, was reprinted in various European cities, including in Madrid after the suppression and in the 1840s.63
While readers continued to respect Mariana and Isla’s historical insights, the Spanish government was becoming less tolerant of the order. The motivations for King Charles III’s (r.1759–88) decision to expel the Jesuits from the Spanish empire are too complicated to analyze here, but one traditionally accepted precipitating factor is the Jesuits’ presumed role in inciting popular protests against the Marquis of Esquilache (1699–1785), a government official, during Holy Week in 1766.64 At a more ideological level, the seventeenth-century quarrel with Palafox undermined the Jesuits’ status: Charles III was an enthusiastic supporter of efforts to canonize Palafox.65 In this atmosphere, it is not coincidental that administrative documents from this period often disparage the Jesuits’ treatment of Palafox and recount the bishop’s criticism of the order.66
After the Jesuits departed from Spain, governmental officials published documents that fomented negative opinions about the community. Mateos suggests that Pedro Pablo Abarca de Bolea (1719–98), the count of Aranda, and other influential advisors to Charles III encouraged the publication of a four-volume “collection of anti-jesuitical libels” in order to “justify the expulsion.”67 Dated, handwritten comments on the title page of the fourth volume demonstrate that, some fifty years after its publication, readers still found the text “useful.”68
The expulsion of the Jesuits from Spain in 1767 and the subsequent suppression of the order in 1773 did not halt historical works by the community. Isla penned a memorial to Charles III, which as Íñigo Arranz Roa and Fernando del Ser Pérez signal, uses historical data to measure the Jesuits’ importance, even noting the communities that were left without schools after the order’s departure.69 In addition to formal texts, diaries kept by exiled Jesuits also documented this period.70
Nineteenth-Century Archival Works
In the years after the restoration of the Society of Jesus, the discipline of historiography turned to archival evidence. Despite the disruptions of additional suppressions in Spain in 1820, 1835, and 1868, Jesuits participated in this trend. The publication of the Monumenta Historica SI collection began in Madrid in 1894.71
Confiscations of documents during the suppressions brought Jesuit materials to a variety of non-Jesuit institutions. Between 1861–65, Spanish bibliophile Pascual de Gayangos (1809–97) published the seven-volume Cartas de algunos PP. de la Compañía de Jesús, based on Jesuits’ correspondence from the Colegio de San Hermenegildo in Seville housed in Madrid’s Real Academia de la Historia (hereafter RAH). In these epistolary exchanges, many of which involve Rafael Pereyra (1594–1650), Jesuits shared details of daily life, circulated printed matter that was critical of their order and assiduously noted all manner of remarks made against their community.72 Both this collection and other archival correspondence offer important sources for the study of everyday life in the Society.
In addition to inspiring compilations of documents, this interest in archival sources also influenced narrative historiography. Antonio Astrain’s seven-volume Historia de la Compañía de Jesús en la asistencia de España is a notable work in this school. Astrain’s study analyzed the major scholarly and evangelical efforts of the Jesuits in Iberia and the Hispanic world between 1540 and 1758. Although Astrain asserted that his approach is “scientific” and affirmed, “we are not content with relating the truth, but rather we endeavor to prove that all we relate is true,”73 erroneous information did creep into his account. Joseph A. Munitiz expresses surprise that Astrain unwittingly included rumors about conversos (those of Jewish lineage) in his analysis of the fifth general congregation’s decree 52, which eventually excluded applications from this population.74 Astrain’s error demonstrates that anyone studying the Society of Jesus must be familiar with popular polemics in order to be able to differentiate falsehoods from factual information. Despite this and other shortcomings, Astrain’s work nonetheless proves useful for its meticulous details about Jesuit communities in the Hispanic world and transcriptions of documents that, due to their state of conservation, can no longer be handled or have disappeared.
While Astrain’s frequent references to Jesuits’ “saintliness” and “fervor” may be interpreted as a function of the “hagiographical vestiges” that O’Malley notes can permeate scholarship by Jesuits, Astrain’s approach forms part of a larger tendency in Spanish historiography.75 As Lu Ann Homza suggests, several nineteenth- and early twentieth-century historical works, most notably Marcelino Menéndez Pelayo’s 1880 Historia de los heterodoxos españoles, offer “triumphalist” interpretations of Catholicism in Spain that attempt to explain why non-Catholic ideas did not gain adherents in the peninsula.76
The Second Republic and Civil War
Although the interest in archival materials evident in Astrain and Menéndez Pelayo’s work continues into the present, twentieth-century events in Spain significantly impacted both the Society of Jesus and historiography about it. On April 14, 1931, the Second Spanish Republic was established and on January 23, 1932 the government dissolved the Society of Jesus.77 As Gabriel Jackson explains, the Jesuits had become “scapegoats”; yet, Jackson’s ensuing description of the vast financial holdings of the order echoes Palafox’s critique of the community’s wealth.78
Only one year after the end of the Spanish Civil War (1936–39), Spanish Jesuit historiographers were prepared to commemorate the four hundredth anniversary of the community. In the preliminaries to the 1940 edition of his Manual de historia de la Compañía de Jesús, Ricardo García Villoslada observed that he received this task in 1937, which is to say early in the Civil War.79 (Jesuits were free to work openly in the areas controlled by Nationalist forces, in exile or surreptitiously in Republican zones until the community was officially reestablished in 1938).80 In promising an “objective” study, García Villoslada conceded that some “pages” “may sound more like panegyric than critical history; that is due to the greatness and brilliance of the events.”81 García Villoslada further situated himself in the tradition of panegyrics to Catholicism by mentioning a work that analyzed the Jesuits in Menéndez Pelayo’s oeuvre in his first footnote.82 This work and others like it for non-scholarly audiences hoped to reassert Catholic influence in post-Civil War Spain.
The Franco Era
After the Spanish Civil War, the historiographical glorification of Catholicism in the tradition of Menéndez Pelayo spun off a less scholarly and more propagandistic school of thought. During the Franco dictatorship (1939–75), allies of the regime composed works that promoted the Franco regime as the restorer of Spain’s Catholic heritage. These texts developed a narrative about Spain’s long-standing leadership in Catholicism for ideological motives, and the Jesuits became proof of Spanish status in Catholicism.83 As Kamen signals, this example is flawed since Spain did not control the Society of Jesus and such misinterpretations explain why these factual distortions never gained credence outside of Spain.84
In addition to works for the public at large, others wrote about the Society of Jesus for more academic audiences during the Franco era, often by mining Spanish archives. Pedro Blanco Trías wrote extensively about his religious community, including catalogs detailing documents concerning the province of Aragon in state archives. In 1947, he published a series of talks concerning Jesuit historiographers.85 Most notably, Miquel (Miguel) Batllori’s (1909–2003) body of work on his order used archival sources to analyze the Society of Jesus in the pre-suppression province of Aragon, Baltasar Gracián and the post-suppression Jesuit diaspora.86
When replacing the Spanish Republic’s school system, the victorious Nationalists used seventeenth-century Jesuit colegios as the model for Spanish educational institutions.87 In the following years, scholarship unrelated to the Francoist project also studied these Jesuit schools. José Simón Díaz’s Historia del Colegio Imperial de Madrid makes extensive use of archival materials, focusing on the pedagogical, literary, and material atmosphere of the 1603–1767 Colegio Imperial period, including listing its students and resident Jesuits.88 In contrast to other Franco-era scholars who frequently reference religious thematics, Simón takes a different tact: he explicitly leaves “religious matters” to Jesuit scholars whom he maintains are “better qualified” for the task.89
Nurtured by microhistory, such studies of individual Jesuit houses, generally without the exemplary functions evident in early Jesuit manuscript histories, have continued most recently in studies such as Miguel Córdoba Salmerón’s El Colegio de la Compañía de Jesús en Granada: Arte, historia y devoción. At times, local governmental entities are involved in the publication of these monographs, likely to cultivate civic pride and cater to readers interested in local history, as is the case with Antonio Ferrer Benimeli’s El Colegio de la Compañía de Jesús en Huesca (1605–1905). In the late twentieth and twenty-first centuries, as historians analyze interactions between empires, notable work has been done about the English, Scottish, and Irish colleges in Spain.90
Although some scholars noted difficulty in publishing material concerning Catholicism in Spain in the years following Franco’s death, as is often noted, since the 1990s research concerning the Society of Jesus has flourished among non-Jesuit scholars of multiple nationalities.91 As a result, in addition to the detailed studies of Jesuit communities often favored by Spanish scholars, the Society of Jesus also has become more integrated into thematic analyses. For example, the Jesuits form part of Kamen’s study of religion in early modern Catalonia in The Phoenix and the Flame.
So much fine scholarship on the pre-suppression Spanish Jesuits has been published in the past fifteen years that it cannot all be mentioned here.92 In considering this diverse body of work, several themes emerge. Many studies seek to make more nuanced interpretations of the complex relationship between the Jesuit order and political power structures, in Spain in Julián J. Lozano Navarro’s previously referenced La Compañía de Jesús y el poder en la España de los Austrias, in a more broad European context in volume 1 of the previously cited collection Los jesuitas: Religión, política y educación (siglos XVI–XVIII) and in the Spanish empire in Les jésuites en Espagne et Amérique.93 As interest in imperium studies has grown in recent years, so have studies about the Jesuits in the Spanish empire. In addition to the previously cited Los jesuitas en España y en el mundo hispánico, Alexandre Coello de la Rosa and Javier Burrieza Sánchez examine Jesuitas e imperios de ultramar: Siglos XVI–XX. A collection of conference papers considers the treatment of indigenous peoples in La Compañía de Jesús en América: Evangelización y justicia, siglos XVII y XVIII and Youssef El Alaoui’s Jésuites, morisques et indiens studies comparative evangelization techniques in Jesuit missions in the empire and to Spain’s morisco population.
Another area of research strives to rectify the misinterpretation of data or individuals. As Paul Oberholzer observes, the legacy of Superior General Francisco de Borja has not been properly evaluated and a number of studies seek to do so.94 Other investigations bring attention to understudied areas of Jesuit culture, such as science or gender in the community.95 Finally, another current examines the manner in which existing regulations, like those concerning obedience, were actually enacted in the order.96
At the methodological level, much of this scholarship shares one fundamental characteristic: it utilizes archival information to make data-based analyses of the order. In looking towards future directions for research on the pre-1767 Society of Jesus in Spain, the recent body of work emphasizes the significance of archives outside of the Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu (ARSI) in Rome. Madrid’s Archivo Histórico Nacional (AHN) and other Spanish state archives have collections of Jesuit documents, which are described by Thomas M. McCoog.97 In addition to the Jesuit archives cataloged by McCoog, the Archivo Histórico de la Provincia de Castilla de la Compañía de Jesús de Alcalá de Henares, which includes the Archivo Provincial Histórico de Toledo (hereafter APHT), has materials concerning the pre-suppression Jesuits.98 Although documents from the Archivo Histórico de la Provincia de Castilla de la Compañía de Jesús available on-line generally date from the 1800s and later, they are only a portion of the collection.99 Libraries outside of Spain also possess materials relating to the Jesuit community on the peninsula.100 The Archivo Nacional de Chile recently digitized 7,000 Jesuit documents, some which concern Spain.101 Finally, given the already noted predilection for circulating texts in handwritten form in early modern Spain, there is little doubt that additional (and perhaps unknown) manuscripts authored by Jesuits survive in the manuscript collections of libraries and universities in Spain and possibly elsewhere.
In early 2016, US scholarship seems to be reengaging in the study of religion. In 2013, in Publications of the Modern Language Association (hereafter PLMA), Sarah Rivett argued that literary and philosophical studies have come to acknowledge that religious issues are important analytical factors.102 Regarding the Society of Jesus specifically, some four years earlier Anthony Grafton noted that the Society of Jesus offers a framework to consider “global and non-European perspectives” and the dynamics between “center[s]” and “peripheries.”103 While interdisciplinary approaches indubitably offer productive lines of inquiry, this brief overview of historiography concerning pre-suppression Jesuits in Spain offers an important caveat. The specific national context in which Jesuit communities lived and wrote also proves vital for their proper interpretation.
^ Back to text1. John W. O’Malley, S.J., The First Jesuits (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1993), 13. I gratefully acknowledge the staff of the Interlibrary Loan Department at the University of Kansas for their diligent efforts in procuring research materials, Isidro Rivera for his help with a translation, George Klaeren for an archival observation and the peer reviewers for their suggestions. The archival research cited in this paper was funded by a travel grant from the Hall Center for the Humanities at the University of Kansas and allocation #2301038 from KU’s General Research Fund.
^ Back to text2. Javier Burrieza Sánchez, “La Compañía de Jesús y la defensa de la monarquía hispánica,” Hispania sacra 60, no. 121 (2008): 181–229, here 206 offers a summary. In citing foreign titles I have adopted the rules of punctuation and capitalization suggested by Chicago Manual of Style. This incident was far from the only point of contention between Philip II and the Jesuits. As William V. Bangert, S.J. specifies, this monarch also banned European travel on the part of Spanish Jesuits and restricted the use of Spanish currency earmarked for contributions to the Roman College (A History of the Society of Jesus, second edition [St. Louis: Institute of Jesuit Sources, 1986], 61). Moreover, as Julián J. Lozano Navarro details, Philip II’s attempts to intervene in various aspects of life in the Jesuit community followed his father Emperor Charles V’s (r.1516–56 as king of Spain) less than enthusiastic reaction to the community (La Compañía de Jesús y el poder en la España de los Austrias [Madrid: Cátedra, 2005], 83–117).
^ Back to text4. See John Patrick Donnelly, S.J., introduction to Year by Year with the Early Jesuits (1537–1556): Selections from the “Chronicon” of Juan de Polanco, S.J., by Juan de Polanco, ed. and trans. John Patrick Donnelly (St. Louis: Institute of Jesuit Sources, 2004), xiii–xiv for more details about the circulation of Polanco’s text.
^ Back to text5. O’Malley mentions this call for provincial-level historiography in “The Historiography of the Society of Jesus: Where Does It Stand Today?,” in The Jesuits: Cultures, Sciences and the Arts 1540–1773, ed. John W. O’Malley, S.J., Gauvin Alexander Bailey, Steven J. Harris, and T. Frank Kennedy, S.J. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1999), 7.
^ Back to text7. I use the term Iberia since Portugal was part of the Spanish crown between 1580–1640. See J. H. Elliott, Imperial Spain 1469–1716 (London: Penguin, 2002 revised edition) 266–67, 346–47. In referencing the Society of Jesus, I refer to Spain because Spanish and Portuguese Jesuit communities did not merge.
^ Back to text8. For example, José de Sigüenza (Ioseph de Siguença), O.S.H., Segunda parte de la Historia de la Orden de San Geronimo (Madrid: Imprenta Real, 1600). In referencing rare books or manuscripts, I use the original orthography since this is the manner in which they are listed in finding aids. I modernize the spellings of authors’ names in my text, but I include any alternate spellings in brackets in the footnotes. Since Francisco de Santa María and Juan Eusebio Nieremberg’s works are best known by modern titles, I employ these in my text. To locate exemplars of rare books in Spain, see the Catálogo colectivo del patrimonio bibliográfico español website (hereafter CCPB) (http://ccpb_opac.mcu.es/CCPBopac).
^ Back to text11. According to Stefania Pastore’s research, both manuscripts are housed in the Biblioteca Universitaria de Granada (Il vangelo e la spada: L’Inquisizione di Castiglia e i suoi critici (1460–1598) (Rome: Edizioni di storia e letteratura, 2003), 269n40. Roa’s manuscript was printed in 2005 as Historia de la provincia de Andalucía de la Compañía de Jesús (1553–1602).
^ Back to text12. Javier Burrieza Sánchez notes that Valdivia based his history on a previous one by Pedro de Guzmán (“La Compañía,” 223). According to Rafael Gaune’s research, the whereabouts of the first volume of Valdivia’s manuscript is unknown (“‘Flacos con el poco comer, quebrantados con el mucho temor’: Aproximaciones a una dimensión espiritual del jesuita Luis de Valdivia,” in Devozioni, pratiche e immaginario religioso: Espressioni del cattolicesimo tra 1400 e 1850; Storici cileni e italiani a confronto, ed. René Millar and Roberto Rusconi [Roma: Viella, 2011], 387). The second, which catalogued Jesuit colegios in the province of Castile, is housed in the Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu (ARSI) in Rome and the third, which focused on distinguished Jesuits, in the Archivo Provincial Histórico de Toledo (Gaune, “Flacos,” 387).
^ Back to text13. Hernando Ponce with addendum from Provincial Pedro Continente, August 9, 1632, Archivo Histórico Nacional (hereafter AHN) Jesuitas (hereafter J) legajo (hereafter leg.) 259, document (hereafter doc.) 202, positive microfilm 1357.
^ Back to text14. An addendum at the end of the letter extends the same privileges to Miguel Torbabi for the same motives. Hernando Ponce with addendum from Provincial Pedro Continente, August 9, 1632, AHN J leg. 259, doc. 202, positive microfilm 1357. According to José Luis Betrán’s research, Torbabi’s work concerned notable Jesuits: “¿La ilustre Compañía? Memoria y hagiografía a través de las vidas jesuitas de los padres Juan Eusebio Nieremberg y Alonso de Andrade (1643–1667),” Hispania 74, no. 248 (2014): 715–47, here 722–23.
^ Back to text15. Gabriel Álvarez, Historia de la Provincia de Aragón cited in Eulàlia Duran, ed., Repertori de manuscrits catalans (1474–1620) (Barcelona: Institut d’Estudis Catalans, 2008), 4:435. The referenced copy of Álvarez’s manuscript is housed in the Arxiu Històric de la Companyia de Jesús de Catalunya in Barcelona.
^ Back to text16. According to the CCPB, the Real Academia de la Historia in Madrid owns a copy of the Libro primero de la Historia del Collegio Complutense de la Compañía de Jesús. For biographical information about notable Spanish Jesuits, see Charles E. O’Neill, S.J. and Joaquín María Domínguez, S.J., Diccionario histórico de la Compañía de Jesús: Biográfico-temático , 4 vols. (Rome: Institutum Historicum, S.I.; Madrid: Universidad Pontificia Comillas, 2001).
^ Back to text21. Paul Nelles, “Chancillería en colegio: La producción y circulación de papeles jesuitas en el siglo XVI,” in La memoria del mundo: Clero, erudición y cultura escrita en el mundo ibérico (siglos XVI–XVIII), ed. Federico Palomo, Cuadernos de Historia Moderna, Anejo XIII (Madrid: Publicaciones de la Universidad Complutense de Madrid, 2014), 53.
^ Back to text24. Pedro de León, S.J., Compendio de industrias en los ministerios de la Compañia de Iesus con que practicamente se muestra el buen acierto en ellas, x–xi, cited in Bouza, Corre, 58–59: “Sería fácil disimular y encubrir unas cosas y dexar otras que pudiesen tener algún rastro de ofensión, las quales agora digo con más claridad y llaneza, pero que quien los quisiere ver lo tenga a mano de nuestra parte adentro sin que seglares puedan contender nuestras faltas y menudencias por lo impreso.” As Roger Chartier indicates, seventeenth-century punctuation could serve grammatical or performative functions, marking pauses and requisite vocal variations for reading a text aloud: “La pluma, el taller y la voz: Entre crítica textual e historia cultural,” in Imprenta y crítica textual en el Siglo de Oro, ed. Francisco Rico, Pablo Andrés and Sonia Garza (Valladolid: Secretariado de Publicaciones e Intercambio Científico, Universidad de Valladolid, Centro para la Edición de los Clásicos Españoles, 2000), 249. For this reason, I have resisted the urge to create multiple sentences in my translation.
^ Back to text28. Antonio de Rueda Marín (Rveda Marin), Justa poetica, celebrada en el insigne Colegio de la Compañia de Jesus, de esta... Ciudad de Murcia, el día 17 de noviembre del año de 1727 en culto de S. Luis Gonzaga, estudiante, y de S. Estanislao de Kostka (Murcia: Jayme Mesnier, [1728?]). This imprint is available in the Biblioteca Nacional de España’s (hereafter BN) Biblioteca Digital Hispánica, (hereafter BDH), http://bdh-rd.bne.es/viewer.vm?id=0000039110&page=1 (accessed June 15, 2016).
^ Back to text29. Francisco Ignacio Porres, ed., Iusta poetica zelebrada por la Vniversidad de Alcala Colegio Mayor de S. Ilefonso [sic] en el nacimiento del principe de las Españas (Alcala: Maria Fernandez, 1658), in the BDH http://bdh-rd.bne.es/viewer.vm?id=0000112761&page=1 (accessed June 15, 2016).
^ Back to text30. For example, Breue relacion de las fiestas que se hizieron en … Toledo a las canonizaciones de San Ignacio de Loyola … y S. Francisco Xauier … a 23 de iulio de 1622 en la casa professa de la Compañia de Iesus de la dicha ciudad (Toledo: Diego Rodríguez, 1622). José Simón Díaz’s Historia del Colegio Imperial de Madrid (Madrid: C.S.I.C., Instituto de Estudios Madrileños, 1952 and 1959), 1:183–506 transcribes a number of short works about festivities at this colegio.
^ Back to text31. For example, Alonso de Salazar, Fiestas que hizo el insigne Collegio de la Compañia de Iesus de Salamanca a la Beatificacion del glorioso Patriarca S. Ignacio de Loyola (Salamanca: por la viuda de Artus Taberniel, 1610).
^ Back to text34. Libro de las honras que hizo el Colegio de la Compañia de Jesus de Madrid, a la M.C. de la Emperatriz doña Maria de Austria, fundadora del dicho Colegio que se celebraron a 21 de abril de 1603 (Madrid: Luis Sanchez, 1603). Also see Antonio Bernat Vistarini, John T. Cull and Tamás Sajó’s English translation.
^ Back to text35. Peter Burke, “The Jesuits and the Art of Translation in Early Modern Europe,” in The Jesuits II: Cultures, Sciences, and the Arts 1540–1770, ed. John W. O’Malley, S.J., Gauvin Alexander Bailey, Steven J. Harris, and T. Frank Kennedy, S.J. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2006), 30.
^ Back to text36. Marc Fumaroli, L’École du silence: Le sentiment des images au XVIIe siècle (Paris: Flammarion, 1998), 445–76 discusses the artistic and intellectual context of the Imago as well as negative French reactions to it. The Imago is available on-line in the Internet Archive at: https://archive.org/details/imagoprimisaecul00boll (accessed June 15, 2016).
^ Back to text37. For a small sampling of such Spanish texts, see Francisco Blanco de Salcedo, Sermon que predico Francisco Blanco de Salzedo, canonigo magistral de la Yglesia de Santiago en el colegio de la Compañia de Iesus de aquella ciudad, à la fiesta que hizo deste primer siglo de la Compañia de Iesus, el 5 de agosto deste año de 1640 (Valladolid: Geronimo Murillo, no date), Copia de vna carta de Roma, de 12 de agosto de esta año de 40 en que se dà cuenta de las solemnes fiestas que hizieron el Eminentissimo señor Cosme, y San Damian del año passado de 639 y en el Colegio Romano el Señor Principe Prefeto do Tadeo Barberino su hermano, en la Octaua de San Ignacio, deste año de 640 en accion de gracias de auer cumplido la Compañia de Iesus el año centesimo de su fundacion (no publication information), available digitally at: fondosdigitales.us.es/fondos/libros/1447/1/copia-de-una-carta-de-roma-de-12-de-agosto-de-este-ano-de-40-en-que-se-da-cuenta-de-las-solemnes-fiestas-que-hizieron-el-cardenal-antonio-barberino-nepote-de-su-santidad-en-la-casa-professa-della-el-dia-de-san-cosme-y-san-damian (accessed June 15, 2016), Relacion de la solemne fiesta que el Colegio de la Compañia de Iesus de la Cuidad de Xerez de la Frontera à hecho en hazimiento de gracias por los primeros cien años de su fundacion (no publication information); text available at the Real Academia de la Historia in Madrid (hereafter RAH), and Traslado de vna relacion, que escriuio vn Cauallero desta Corte, acerca de las fiestas que el Imperial Colegio de la Compañia de Iesus de Madrid hizo este año de 1640 al fin del primer siglo de su fundacion (no publication information); text available at the RAH and the Biblioteca del Museo del Prado.
^ Back to text38. Bartolomé de Alcázar (Bartholome de Alcazar), S.J., Chrono-historia de la Compañia de Jesus en la provincia de Toledo y elogios de sus varones illustres, fundadores, bienhechores, [f]autores, é hijos espirituales (Madrid: Juan García Infançon, 1710), 1:xj . While the BN’s catalog lists the title as “autores,” the text reads “fautores.” I cite from the BDH’s digital facsimile of the BN’s 1710 imprint http://bdh-rd.bne.es/viewer.vm?id=0000016699&page=1 (accessed June 15, 2016). The bracketed numerals refer to the page numbers of the BDH’s digital version, as these are the easiest referents for readers of this edition.
^ Back to text45. See “Prólogo de un desapasionado” to Novelas amorosas y ejemplares, by María de Zayas y Sotomayor, ed. Julián Olivares, 4ª edición (Madrid: Cátedra, 2010), 164 for a description of this behavior.
^ Back to text48. Esteban F. Llamosas, “Apéndice El Index librorum Bibliothecae Collegii Maximi Cordubensis Societatis Jesu,” in La biblioteca jesuítica de la Universidad Nacional de Córdoba, ed. Marcela Aspell and Carlos A. Page (República Argentina: Universidad Nacional de Córdoba, 2000), 156, 164, and 176.
^ Back to text49. Assistant to Spain Domingo Langa to Provincial Ginés Vidal, July 31, 1660, AHN J leg. 254, doc. 265, positive microfilm 1359: “Buena ocasion para disponer que se reformen, y quiten las cosas que se contienen en ella con en perjuicio de nuestra nacion, del B. Borja, y de algunos PP españoles graues dignos de gloriosa memoria.” In citing archival documents and rare books, I maintain the orthography of the original.
^ Back to text50. Betrán, “¿La ilustre Compañía?,” 728; Javier Burrieza Sánchez, “‘Las glorias del segundo siglo’ (1622–1700),” Los jesuitas en España y en el mundo hispánico, ed., Teófanes Egido, Javier Burrieza Sánchez and Manuel Revuelta González, S.J. (Madrid: Fundación Carolina, Centro de Estudios Hispánicos e Iberoamericanos, Marcial Pons, 2004), 152.
^ Back to text52. José (Joseph) Cassani, S.J., Glorias del segundo siglo de la Compañía de Jesús continued Nieremberg’s text in the eighteenth century. Subsequent works in this tradition include Fidel Fita, S.J., Galería de jesuitas ilustres.
^ Back to text53. The edition in the Spencer Research Library at the University of Kansas begins Nieremberg’s text with Honor del gran patriarca san Ignacio de Loyola as the first volume. Ideas is therefore the second volume in this imprint.
^ Back to text55. Juan Eusebio Nieremberg, Firmamento religioso de Luzidos astros en algvnos claros varones de la Compañia de Iesvs (Madrid: Maria de Quiñones, 1644), 3:476: “porque es menester reducir primero aquella gente bruta à algun genero de humanidad y policia.”
^ Back to text56. See Margaret R. Greer, Walter D. Mignolo and Maureen Quilligan, eds., Rereading the Black Legend: The Discourses of Religious and Racial Difference in the Renaissance Empires (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2007) for more information.
^ Back to text57. See Sabina Pavone, Le astuzie dei gesuiti: Le false istruzioni segrete della Compagnia di Gesù e la polemica antigesuita nei secoli XVII e XVII (Rome: Salerno, 2000) and Teófanes Egido López, “Formación y funciones del estereotipo antijesuita,” in Los jesuitas: Religión, política y educación (siglos XVI–XVIII), ed. José Martínez Millán, Henar Pizarro Llorente and Esther Jiménez Prado (Madrid: Universidad Pontificia Comillas, 2012), 2:715–62 for this image of the Jesuits.
^ Back to text58. Enrique Benítez Aldama, La leyenda negra antijesuita: Cuatro siglos bajo la calumnia (Buenos Aires: Editorial Difusión, 1941). Princeton Theological Seminary, Internet Archive https://archive.org/stream/laleyendanegraan00beni#page/n5/mode/2up (accessed June 15, 2016).
^ Back to text59. D. A. Brading, The First America: The Spanish Monarchy, Creole Patriots, and the Liberal State, 1492–1867 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 242. See Alberto María Carreño, Cedulario de los siglos XVI y XVII: El obispo don Juan de Palafox y Mendoza y el conflicto con la Compañía de Jesús (México: Ediciones Victoria, 1947) for Palafox’s correspondence.
^ Back to text64. Teófanes Egido López and Isidoro Pinedo, Las causas “gravísimas” y secretas de la expulsión de los jesuitas por Carlos III (Madrid: Fundación Universitaria Española, 1994) offer a detailed analysis.
^ Back to text67. Mateos, “Papeles secuestrados,” 538. Juan de San Diego y Villalón et al., Colección general de documentos tocantes a la persecución que los regulares de la Compañía suscitaron y siguieron tenázmente por medio de sus jueces conservadores y ganado algunos ministros seculares desde 1644 hasta 1660, 4 vols (Madrid: Imprenta de la Gaceta, 1768–70), in the BDH http://bdh-rd.bne.es/viewer.vm?id=0000030327&page=1 (accessed June 15, 2016).
^ Back to text68. Villalón et al., Colección, handwritten comments on 4: in the BDH http://bdh-rd.bne.es/viewer.vm?id=0000030327&page=1 (accessed June 15, 2016).
^ Back to text69. Íñigo Arranz Roa, S.J. and Fernando del Ser Pérez, “Aproximación a las fuentes para el estudio de la provincia jesuítica de Castilla (ss. XVI–XVIII),” Hispania sacra 52, no. 105 (2000): 73–98, here 79.
^ Back to text72. Cartas de algunos PP. de la Compañía de Jesús: Sobre los sucesos de la monarquía entre los años 1634 y 1648, ed. Pascual de Gayangos, volumes 13–19 of Memorial histórico español (Madrid: Imprenta Nacional, 1861–65). In 2009, James O. Crosby indexed this text in Índice onomástico, toponímico y bibliográfico de las cartas de jesuitas, 1634–1648 , 2 vols. (Woodbridge, UK: Tamesis, 2009).The RAH holds a variety of Jesuit materials. Hilaire Kallendorf’s Conscience on Stage: The Comedia as Casuistry in Early Modern Spain (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2007) analyzes the staging of moral decisions in a number of Jesuit plays in this collection.
^ Back to text73. Antonio Astrain, S.J., Historia de la Compañía de Jesús en la Asistencia de España (Madrid: Razón y Fe, Establecimiento Tipográfico Sucesores de Rivadeneyra, 1905–25). I cite from the Madrid: Razón y Fe, 1912–25 imprint in the BDH http://bdh-rd.bne.es/viewer.vm?id=0000010528&page=1 (accessed June 15, 2016). Astrain, Historia 1:ix .
^ Back to text74. Joseph A. Munitiz, S.J., “Francisco Suárez and the Exclusion of Men of Jewish or Moorish Descent from the Society of Jesus,” Archivum historicum Societatis Iesu 73, no. 146: 327–40, here 336.
^ Back to text76. Lu Ann Homza, “The Merits of Disruption and Tumult: New Scholarship on Religion and Spirituality in Spain during the Sixteenth Century ” Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte 100 (2009): 218–34, here 218.
^ Back to text79. Ricardo García Villoslada, S.J., Manual de historia de la Compañía de Jesús, 1540–1940 (Madrid: Compañía Bibliográfica Española, 1940), unnumbered page 7. Princeton Theological Seminary Library in Internet Archive. https://archive.org/stream/manualdehistoria00garc#page/n9/mode/2up (accessed June 15, 2016).
^ Back to text90. See Javier Burrieza Sánchez, “La Compañía de Jesús,” 208n70 and 211–12n77 and the bibliography in Los jesuitas, 485–92. The Dialnet database (https://dialnet.unirioja.es/ [accessed June 15, 2016]) offers a searchable index of Spanish publications.
^ Back to text91. Clark Colahan details his difficulties in finding “a publisher in a newly socialist Spain sick of force-fed Catholicism” (The Visions of Sor María de Agreda: Writing and Knowledge and Power [Tuscon: University of Arizona Press, 1994], viii). Alfonso Botti remarks that religious matters are overlooked in studies of modern Spain (Botti cited in Joseba Louzao Villar, “Catholicism Versus Laicism: Culture Wars and the Making of Catholic National Identity in Spain, 1898–1931,” European History Quarterly 43, no. 4 (2013): 657–80, here 658. For the boom in studies of the Society, see the introduction to The Jesuits: Cultures, Sciences and the Arts 1540–1773, xiii–xv.
^ Back to text92. Doris Moreno’s “Realidad social y proyección mediática de la Compañía de Jesús,” which introduces an article cluster on the Jesuits in Historia social 65 (2009): 106–12, includes relevant bibliography.
^ Back to text93. Annie Molinié-Bertrand, Alexandra Merle, and Araceli Guillaume-Alonso, eds., Les jésuites en Espagne et en Amérique: Jeux et enjeux du pouvoir, XVIe–XVIIIe siècles (Paris: PUPS, 2007).
^ Back to text94. Paul Oberholzer, S.J. “Presentación,” Francisco de Borja y su tiempo: Política, religión y cultura en la edad moderna, ed. Enrique García Hernán and María del Pilar Ryan (Valencia: Albatros Ediciones; Rome: Institutum Historicum Societatis Iesu, 2011), vii. In addition to the papers from this 2010 conference, also see Cándido Dalmases, S.J., Enrique García Hernán, and María del Pilar Ryan’s monographs concerning Borja.
^ Back to text95. See for example Víctor Navarro Brotóns, “Los jesuitas y la renovación científica en la España del siglo XVII,” Studia histórica: Historia moderna 14 (1996): 15–44, Elizabeth Rhodes, “Ignatius, Women and the Leyenda de los santos,” in A Companion to Ignatius of Loyola: Life, Writings, Spirituality, Influence, ed. Robert A. Maryks (Leiden: Brill, 2014), 6–23 and Anne J. Cruz, ed. and trans., The Life and Writings of Luisa de Carvajal y Mendoza (Toronto: Iter Inc., Centre for Reformation and Renaissance Studies, 2014).
^ Back to text96. See Julián J. Lozano Navarro, “Los jesuitas, paradigmas del orden, la obediencia y la dependencia,” Historia social 65 (2009): 113–24, Doris Moreno Martínez, “Obediencias negociadas y desobediencias silenciadas en la Compañía de Jesús en España, ss. XVI-XVII,” Hispania 74, no. 248 (2014): 661–86 and volume 2 of Los jesuitas: Religión, política y educación (siglos XVI–XVIII).
^ Back to text97. Thomas M. McCoog, S.J., A Guide to Jesuit Archives (St. Louis: Institute of Jesuit Sources; Rome: Institutum Historicum Societatis Iesu, 2001). A. Guglieri Navarro, Documentos de la Compañía de Jesús en el Archivo Histórico Nacional (Madrid: Editorial Razón y Fe, 1966) catalogs the AHN’s Jesuit section. The Portal de Archivos Españoles’ (PARES) website (pares.mcu.es [accessed June 15, 2016]) includes some digitized documents and a search function for the archives under the aegis of Spain’s Ministerio de Educación, Cultura y Deporte.
^ Back to text98. See José María Martí Bonet et al., Guía de los archivos de la iglesia en España (Barcelona: Asociación de Archiveros de la Iglesia en España, 2001), 15–16 online at: http://www.mcu.es/archivos/docs/ArchivosIglesia.pdf (accessed June 15, 2016) for an overview of the AHPT’s holdings.
^ Back to text99. Archivo Histórico de la Provincia de Castilla de la Compañía de Jesús, Biblioteca Virtual Miguel de Cervantes http://www.cervantesvirtual.com/portal/archivo_jesuitas/ (accessed June 15, 2016).
^ Back to text100. For example, Miguel Batllori, S.J. transcribed documents concerning Gracián in Chile’s Archivo Nacional and Trinity College Dublin (Gracián y el barroco (Rome: Edizioni di storia e letteratura, 1958), 149–67.