Francisco Malta Romeiras
Last modified: January 2017
The history of the Society of Jesus in Portugal can be divided into four different phases: 1) 1540–17592; 2) 1829–34; 3) 1858–1910; 4) 1932 onwards, which correspond to four consecutive cycles of foundation-expulsion intercalated by three periods of exile. The first period concerns the so-called Assistentia Lusitaniae and stretches from the arrival of Francis Xavier (1506–52) and Simão Rodrigues (1510–79) in 1540 to the suppression of the Jesuits from all Portuguese territories in 1759. It should be kept in mind that Assistentia Lusitaniae was composed by seven provinces (Portugal, Brazil, Maranhão, Goa, Malabar, Japan, and China), being, undoubtedly, the largest and most scattered administrative territory under Jesuit jurisdiction. Before the expulsion by the Marquis of Pombal, the Jesuits were especially committed to the missions overseas and to pre-university instruction, being responsible for the education of about twenty thousand students in continental Portugal alone.3 The subsequent three phases of Jesuit history concern the restored Society of Jesus: the first period regards the temporary establishment of a French mission (1829–34), the second stretches from the nineteenth-century effective restoration in 1858 to the republican expulsion in 1910, and the third begins with the reinstatement of the provincial curia on Portuguese soil in 1932, after twenty-two years of exile.
The 1759 expulsion and the Pombaline campaign laid the foundation from which both modern apologetic and anti-Jesuit works arose in the nineteenth and early twentieth century.4 Besides quite clearly inspiring Jesuit historiography, the widely-accepted anti-Jesuit accusations were also especially decisive in shaping the history of the Jesuits in modern Portugal.5 This essay will follow the chronological division explained above, and it will pay special attention to the counterbalance between apologetic and anti-Jesuit historiographical traditions in the nineteenth and early twentieth century.
From the Suppression to the Official Restoration (1759–1814)6
During the Pombaline anti-Jesuit campaign hundreds of printed and manuscript works portraying the Jesuits as sinful, ambitious, dishonest and illiterate circulated all over Europe. The most important and most widely diffused books published in this period were the so-called anti-Jesuit catechisms.7 Published in 1757, on the feast day of Francis Xavier, Relação abreviada accused the Jesuits of disobeying the Treaty of Madrid and of creating a powerful republic that comprised thirty-one villages and more than one hundred thousand indigenous, enslaved for commercial motives.8 Despite being published as an anonymous work, Relação abreviada was definitely authored by Pombal, who guaranteed its massive circulation both in Europe and in the Portuguese empire.9 Shortly after the royal assassination attempt on September 3, 1758, Sebastião José de Carvalho e Melo (1699–1782), future count of Oeiras and marquis of Pombal, printed Erros ímpios e sediciosos (1759), a thirty-two-page booklet accusing the Jesuits of being morally relaxed and of supporting tyrannicide.10 These two catechisms were especially relevant in the construction of the Portuguese anti-Jesuit myth, and the implication in the royal assassination attempt ended up being the proximate cause for the 1759 expulsion.
The third and fourth anti-Jesuit catechisms were printed after the expulsion, in a period when Pombal was especially interested in developing the accusation of educational backwardness and scientific illiteracy. With the Jesuits off the stage, Pombal had nothing to keep him from constructing and diffusing a meticulous narrative showing the disastrous consequences of their two-hundred-year presence in Portugal. After the 1759 expulsion, his arguments changed considerably in content, detail, and dimension: Dedução cronológica e analítica (1767–68)11 and Compêndio histórico (1771)12 were much more ambitious, intricate, and voluminous than the first two catechisms. Dedução cronológica e analítica was a monumental enterprise, published originally in three volumes. With more than thirteen hundred pages, it was, by far, the longest, most complex, and most influential piece of anti-Jesuit propaganda published in eighteenth-century Portugal. Its objective was to provide an ample and detailed picture of Portuguese history demonstrating the catastrophic effects of the arrival and the presence of the Society of Jesus from the mid-sixteenth century onwards.13 One of the most pervasive themes put forward was the accusation that the "fateful arrival" of the Jesuits was the single event most responsible for Portugal’s eighteenth-century “generalized idiocy.”14
Despite being much less extensive and ambitious than Dedução cronológica e analítica, Compêndio histórico was crucial in the construction of a specific cultural and educational argument directed against the Jesuits. With almost five hundred pages, the book was focused on documenting and explaining the alleged decadence of the University of Coimbra, the oldest and most important Portuguese university. The central accusation was that the Jesuits ruined the university and “buried the Portuguese monarchy in the darkness of ignorance.”15 Throughout Compêndio histórico, they were accused of having corrupted the teaching of theology, canon and civil law, medicine, physics, chemistry, pharmaceutics, botany, and anatomy.16
Eighteenth-century enlightened philosophers and scientists such as Frei Manuel do Cenáculo (1724–1814), António Ribeiro Sanches (1699–1782), José Anastácio da Cunha (1744–87), and Luís António Verney (1713–92) were also especially critical of the Jesuits teaching methods, which they deemed obsolete.17 Essentially, these works evoked the sixteenth-century imperial splendor and accused the Jesuits of being responsible for the eighteenth-century national decadence.
To counterbalance the anti-Jesuit campaign, Portuguese Jesuits wrote several letters and other apologetic works.18 Amongst these accounts, the most detailed were De exilio provinciae Lusitaniae Societatis Iesu libri quinque and De exilio provinciarum transmarinarum assistentiae Lusitanae Societatis Iesu by José Caeiro (1712–91), and Historia persecutionis Societatis Iesu in Lusitania, by Anselmo Eckart (1721–1809).19 In De exilio provinciae Lusitaniae, Caeiro absolved the king Dom José (r.1750–77), while criticizing his minister Pombal, whom he considered the single culprit for the imprisonment and suppression of the Jesuits. For Caeiro, the enthronement of king José on the feast day of Ignatius of Loyola (c.1491–1556) boded well for the future of his reign, but he failed to meet expectations when he appointed Carvalho as his secretary of state. After underlining the national acceptance of the Jesuits and attesting that they were personally esteemed by some members of the royal family, Caeiro described the succession of events that led to the ban of the Society of Jesus, emphasizing the role played by Pombal in each of those events.
Similarly, De exilio provinciarum transmarinarum focused on the ultramarine empire and provided a detailed account on the exile from the provinces of Brazil, Maranhão, and Goa.20 On Historia persecutionis Societatis Iesu in Lusitania, Eckart also reported the major events that led to the expulsion of the Jesuits.21 However, the goal of his memoirs was to describe his imprisonment from 1759 to 1777, when he was released after the death of King José and the subsequent exoneration of Pombal.22 It bears remembering that pro-Jesuit works were not exclusive to Jesuit (and Catholic) scholarship. The German Protestant Christoph Gottlieb von Murr (1733–1811), in his history of the 1759 expulsion, was highly critical of Pombal’s actions regarding the execution of the noble family Távora and the expulsion of the Jesuits.23 In short, the aim of these works was to provide a detailed history of the 1759 expulsion, to proclaim its unfairness, and to emphasize the pivotal role played by Pombal. However, as they were poorly distributed until the twentieth century, they proved to be less influential than their authors had anticipated and, most importantly, much less influential than the anti-Jesuit treatises.
The Establishment of the French Mission (1829–34)
On September 12, 1814, the state journal Gazeta de Lisboa reported the restoration of the Society of Jesus by publishing in vernacular the bull Sollicitudo omnium ecclesiarum, issued by Pius VII (r.1800–23) a month earlier in Rome.24 Publically promulgated in Lisbon by the apostolic delegate Vincenzo Macchi (1770–1860), the highest ranks of nobility, the bourgeoisie, and the common people, the official announcement soon reached Brazil, where the Portuguese court and the royal family had been since 1808.25 Less than a year after its promulgation, the secretary of state for foreign affairs issued from Rio de Janeiro a formal response rejecting it.26 The notice emphasized the astonishment felt upon the publication of Sollicitudo omnium ecclesiarum and underlined the intransigence in admitting any negotiations on the national restoration of the Society of Jesus.27 As the law of expulsion of 1759 and the brief of suppression of 1773 were deemed to be in full force, the surviving Jesuits from the old Assistentia Lusitaniae were banned from returning to Portugal.28 The Jesuits only returned in 1829 by request of King Dom Miguel (r.1828–34).29
During that short period, the periodicals Gazeta de Lisboa, Microscópio das verdades, Investigador portuguez em Inglaterra, and O portuguez ou mercúrio politico were the most privileged vehicles for the diffusion of both conservative and liberal ideologies.30 Anticlerical authors accused the Jesuits of being ultramontane, conservative, and obsolete clerics, and of being active supporters of the ancien régime. Essentially, these works retrieved eighteenth-century anti-Jesuit rhetoric and held the Jesuits responsible for the early nineteenth-century national decadence.
The New Society of Jesus (1858–1910)31
The Society of Jesus was effectively restored in Portugal by Carlos Rademaker, S.J. (1828–85) in 1858.32 The need to counter the influential and widely accepted eighteenth-century accusations shaped in quite visible ways the initiatives and apostolates of the new Society. During this period, the Jesuits put scientific practice and education at the top of their priorities. Upon their return, they founded several colleges, and their reputation relied particularly on the success of the renowned Colégio de Campolide (Lisbon, 1858–1910) and Colégio de São Fiel (Louriçal do Campo, 1863–1910).33 Additionally, the foundation of the botany and zoology journal Brotéria in 1902 was also particularly relevant for the appraisal of their scientific endeavors.34
Anti-Jesuitism occupied a very significant place at the core of the more general nineteenth-century anticlericalism, and the opposition to the Jesuits was publicly displayed and widely diffused through plays, books, treatises, and journals, which portrayed them as sinful, decadent, ambitious, deceitful, reactionary, and mediocre.35 One of the most common themes put forward was the rather simplistic argument that there was a clear conflict between liberty, progress, and science on the one hand, and clericalism on the other hand. To late nineteenth-century anti-clerical poets, historians, and politicians, the Jesuits were the main culprits in the propagation of “non-thought.”36 Basically, these works constantly stated that “who believes [in God] does not think, and who thinks does not believe.”37 The accusations of obscurantism and of promoting idiocy were typical. The renowned poet Guerra Junqueiro (1843–1924), for instance, followed Pombal’s line of reasoning and accused the Jesuits of kidnapping children and of enrolling them in a “dark seminary” which transformed them into “stupid night-birds.”38 Manuel Borges Grainha (1862–1925), perhaps the most active and outspoken anti-Jesuit critic in this period, repeatedly insisted on the lack of quality of Jesuit schools and the backwardness of their teaching. For him, their undeclared objective had always been controlling the nobility and the bourgeoisie through education, and the people by instilling the fear of God.39 This argument was also dear to Teófilo Braga (1843–1924), future interim president of the Portuguese republic (in office, 1915) and one of the most active national popularizers of Positivism. In his work on the history of Christian legends, he defined Jesuitism as the third and final phase of the history of Christianity. He considered the dawn of Christianity as a spontaneous and popular movement emotionally and mythically developed in response to a fabricated divinity, and Catholicism as a restructuring phase corresponding to the political and cultural reorganization of Europe. Jesuitism, on the other hand, was defined as a morally relaxed period, which sought to reinstate papal theocracy and popular piety, namely through the diffusion of increasingly elaborate Christian myths.40
In the renowned Casino Lectures, held in Lisbon in 1871, Antero de Quental (1842–91) argued that the tercentennial Iberian decadence was threefold (moral, political, and economical) and identified the Catholic Reformation, and its effective implementation by the Jesuits, as the single most important cause for the moral decadence of Portugal and Spain in the seventeenth, eighteenth, and nineteenth century.41 Similarly, Francisco Adolfo Coelho (1847–1919), in the final lecture, retrieved the arguments of Compêndio histórico and held the Jesuits responsible for the decline of the University of Coimbra. His main thesis was that they were the leading force behind the Portuguese educational backwardness from the sixteenth century onwards.42 Twenty years later, this argument was supported by Teófilo Braga in his voluminous História da Universidade de Coimbra (1892–1902).43 With almost three thousand pages, his book was presented as a positivist history of the University of Coimbra and it represented the highpoint of the Pombaline narrative of obscurantism. From 1882 to 1910, this narrative was also echoed in the public speeches of some parliamentarians, who reasserted that the expulsion of the Society of Jesus and the secularization of education had been Pombal’s greatest achievements towards the progress and modernization of Portugal.44 Likewise, Joaquim Pedro de Oliveira Martins (1845–94), one of the most respected historians of his generation, in his two seminal works História da civilização ibérica (1879) and História de Portugal (1880), accused them of having converted Christian ethics into casuistry and portrayed them as ambitious, decadent, and illiterate.45
In 1901, the civil engineer Tomaz Lino de Assumpção (1844–1902) published the História geral da Companhia de Jesus.46 With more than six hundred pages, his magnum opus ended up being one of the most extensive and influential anti-Jesuit accounts of this period. As the title suggests, it provided an overview of the history of the Society of Jesus, from the conversion of Ignatius of Loyola to the nineteenth-century controversies regarding the so-called illegal restoration. It consisted of 114 short and often disconnected chapters, including short commentaries on the Constitutions, the Monita secreta, and the Spiritual Exercises (“an obscure, sinister, darned, and destructive night”) and brief descriptions of European and ultramarine episodes and diatribes.47 Regarding the Portuguese case, História geral da Companhia de Jesus referred to Dedução cronológica as its primary source, since it was “a true monument of erudition and an example of honorable courage.”48 While concluding the succinct biography of the Jesuit António Vieira (1608–97), Lino de Assumpção conceded his erudition but claimed that “if he had not worn that cassock he would have been one of the greatest [literary splendors] of his time.”49 Throughout his diachronic narrative, Lino de Assumpção mixed fictional dialogues with authentic citations in order to reinforce the portrayal of the Jesuits as “infernal magnets attracting disgrace and ruin.”50
Nineteenth-century anti-Jesuit literature explored a number of different topics, such as their ambition, dishonesty, and secrecy. However, several accounts paid special attention to the establishment and functioning of their colleges and to the quality of their teaching. In 1883, Joaquim de Sousa Refóios (1853–1905) published a report on the Colégio de São Fiel.51 Attesting the existence of a modern physics cabinet and of a chemistry laboratory, the criticism was directed to the hygienic conditions and to the teaching of history and philosophy, deemed highly conservative and reactionary. Updating the popular accusation of supporting tyrannicide, this report also asserted that the Jesuits claimed that patricide was not a sin if committed in the service of God. In 1910, Pedro Ferrão based most of his history of the Colégio de São Fiel on the 1883 report, where he repeated the usual anti-Jesuit accusations of ambition and deceitfulness and insisted on their backwardness.52 Somewhat opposed to these narratives were the memoirs of two former students of São Fiel, the Nobel laureate António Egas Moniz (1874–1955) and Luís Cabral de Moncada (1888–1974), which emphasized the quality of Jesuit education, especially in what concerned the experimental teaching of the natural sciences.53
The Republican Exile (1910–32)
In the aftermath of the republican revolution, on October 5, 1910, the interim government imprisoned the Jesuits, closed their colleges, and apprehended their assets (books, natural history collections, scientific instruments, etc.). By that time, the Portuguese province was constituted by 360 members, and the Jesuits were responsible for the education of more than eight hundred students in continental Portugal and more than three thousand students in India, Africa, Macao, and Timor.54 Exiled to Brazil, Belgium, and Spain, they established new colleges, residencies, and missions, and maintained the publication of the periodical Brotéria, which continued to be their main scientific enterprise in this period.55
In 1911, Luís Gonzaga de Azevedo (1867–1930) published Proscritos, the most important apologetic account of the expulsion and exile of the Portuguese Jesuits.56 Besides being inspired by Historia persecutionis Societatis Iesu and De exilio provinciae Lusitaniae, this narrative of the republican proscription was also compared to the renowned eighteenth-century hagiographic biographies by the Jesuit António Franco (1662–1732).57 Based on numerous personal descriptions, Proscritos covered the main events concerning the republican revolution, from the bombardment and invasion of the colleges and residencies to the Jesuits’ imprisonment and exile. During this period, the main controversies concerned the apprehension of the scientific collections, instruments, and books found in the colleges of Campolide and São Fiel, and the most important diatribe occurred in 1911, opposing the jurist José Ramos Preto (1861–1949) and the zoologist and founder of Brotéria Cândido de Azevedo Mendes (1874–1943).58
From the early years of the twentieth century, and inspired by the new methods of scientific history, a new historiographical tradition paying attention to the thorough description and analysis of primary sources gradually arose. One of its leading figures was the non-Jesuit historian João Lúcio de Azevedo (1855–1933), who studied the Jesuits in Brazil, the life and work of António Vieira, Pombal, and the quarrels with the Inquisition in the seventeenth century.60 Before Lúcio de Azevedo, non-Jesuit historians invariably had an anti-Jesuit agenda, which was counterbalanced by the Jesuit apologetic tradition. His works were especially important since they laid the groundwork from which emerged a new generation of Jesuit and non-Jesuit scholars, that gradually moved away from the apologetic and anti-Jesuit historiographical traditions.61
Francisco Rodrigues S.J. (1883–1956) was the first historian of this generation. He published two apologetic books during the first years of exile, Os jesuítas e Monita secreta (1912) and Jesuitophobia (1917), but most of his later work focused on the history of the Portuguese assistancy.62 Published from 1931 to 1950, the voluminous História da Companhia de Jesus na assistência de Portugal provided a detailed history of Assistentia Lusitaniae from its foundation to 1750.63 Based on a thorough analysis of a vast corpus of unknown primary sources, pertaining both to national and European libraries and archives, it was mostly devoted to the intellectual and religious history of the Portuguese assistancy.64 Rodrigues’s monumental collection represented a major step in Jesuit historiography in modern Portugal, and it is still one of the most useful sources for the religious and educational history of the Portuguese assistancy.
Despite being occasionally criticized for his undeclared apologetic agenda, Rodrigues’s monumental collection was the reference work for the history of Assistentia Lusitaniae during most part of the twentieth century. Published in 1996 by Dauril Alden, The Making of an Enterprise: The Society of Jesus in Portugal, Its Empire and Beyond not only updated Rodrigues’s work, but it also shed some light on the main controversies regarding the economic and political activities of the Portuguese Jesuits in the colonies.65 Published as the first volume of a planned series of two, The Making of an Enterprise was mainly concerned with the political, social, economic, and diplomatic issues. Throughout his book, Alden deals with the creation, expansion, organization (governance, recruitment, and fiscal administration), and vicissitudes of Assistentia Lusitaniae, the first, largest, and most scattered territory under Jesuit administration. Written with no apologetic or anti-Jesuit agenda, The Making of an Enterprise still represents the most detailed and balanced history of the Portuguese assistancy, from 1540 to 1750.
Since the 1940s, historians of philosophy have been particularly interested in studying early modern Jesuit treatises, especially the renowned Commentarii Collegii Conimbricensis (1592–1606), by Manuel de Góis (1543–97) and Sebastião Couto (1567–1639), and Pedro da Fonseca’s (1528–99) Institutionum dialecticarum (1564) and Commentarii in livros Metaphysicorum Aristotelis (1577).66 Besides the textual analysis of these handbooks, a great deal of attention has also been paid to Molinism and to the disputes between Fonseca and Luis de Molina (1535–1600), namely on the intellectual priority over the notion of so-called middle knowledge.67 For what concerns the history of philosophy, education, and science the works of João Pereira Gomes (1917–2002) and Luís de Albuquerque (1917–92) on the teaching of natural philosophy and mathematics in Jesuit colleges, from the sixteenth century onwards, were particularly relevant.68 The 1980s witnessed the publication of two important works regarding the history of education: A reforma pombalina dos estudos secundários (1981) by António Banha de Andrade (1915–82) and História do ensino em Portugal (1986), by Rómulo de Carvalho (1906–97).69 They both agreed on the theatricality of the Pombaline educational reforms and underlined the devastating consequences for science and education caused by the 1759 expulsion.70 More recently, historians of science and education have been particularly interested in the teaching and practice of mathematics, mechanics, cartography, engineering, astronomy, and nautical sciences in Portugal, China, Japan, India, and Brazil.71
From the 1930s, historiography of Jesuit missions witnessed a sudden turn, influenced by the massive archival work by Jesuit and non-Jesuit scholars.72 For what concerns the Portuguese missions in Brazil, the leading work was the monumental História da Companhia de Jesus no Brasil, published by Serafim Leite (1890–1969) between 1938 and 1950.73 For the history of East Asian missions, the book series by Joseph Needham (1900–95), Joseph Wicki (1904–93), and António da Silva Rêgo (1905–86) were particularly influential.74 For the history of the African missions, the most important collections were Rerum Aethiopicarum scriptores occidentales (1903–17), edited by Camillo Beccari (1849–1928), and Documentos sobre os portugueses em Moçambique e na Africa central (1968–89), edited by Silva Rêgo and T. W. Baxter.75 Despite the historiographical disproportion between the ultramarine and the interior or popular missions, some attention has been paid to the importance of the latter for the evangelization and social construction of rural communities in early modern Portugal.76 Regarding the religious history of Assistentia Lusitaniae in the seventeenth century, the recent multi-volume collection of Vieira’s works has proven to be an indispensable source for all future studies.77
In the last few decades, the history of art and architecture of the Society of Jesus moved away from the long discussion over the existence of a “Jesuit style,” laying the ground for the development of new historiographical directions that emphasize the heterogeneity of regional architectural and artistic enterprises and the role of the Jesuits as global patrons of art.78 Regarding the Portuguese assistancy, and following in the footsteps of art historian John E. McCall, more attention has been usually paid to the overseas missions, especially in Brazil, India, Japan, and China.79 For what concerns the history of Jesuit architecture in Portugal, the global survey of Fausto Sanches Martins on the architecture of Jesuit colleges and churches before the suppression shares the stage with detailed essays on a specific building, namely the churches of São Roque (Lisbon), Santo Antão-o-Novo (Lisbon), São Lourenço (Porto), and the colleges of Funchal and Setúbal.80 In 1990s, and despite the clear preference for architectural studies, the decorative arts (wood carving, tiles, textiles, furniture, and silverware) in Portuguese colleges and churches emerged as a new topic of interdisciplinary interest.81 More recently, the mathematical tiles pertaining to the college of Coimbra were shown to be more than simple artistic artifacts since they proved to be a genuine handmaiden for the teaching of mathematics.82
Nineteenth- and early twentieth-century historiography was deeply influenced by the Pombaline narrative of obscurantism and decadence. The controversies were frequent and historians were either Jesuit hagiographers or anti-Jesuit polemicists. From the turn of the millennium, the history of Portuguese anti-Jesuitism arose as a stimulating topic for scholars with no particular anti-Jesuit or hagiographic agenda.83 Consequently, the quarrels between the Jesuits and their critics and the controversial relationship between the Jesuits and the Inquisition became an important topic for historical inquiry.84 By considering the religious, social, economical, and political contexts in which these diatribes occurred, these works have been especially important in counterbalancing the apologetic and anti-Jesuit historiographical traditions.
In the history of Jesuit historiography in modern Portugal, the vast majority of studies concern the history of Assistentia Lusitaniae. Despite the historiographical imbalance between the pre-suppression and the restored Society of Jesus, the literature on the latter is gaining momentum.85 Recently, the meticulous study of Jesuit periodicals, namely of the devotional Novo mensageiro coração de Jesus and the learned journal Brotéria, and the publication of the collected works of prominent twentieth-century Jesuit scholars such as Manuel Antunes (1918–85) and Luís Archer (1926–2011) have opened new perspectives on the religious, educational, cultural, and scientific enterprises of the restored Society of Jesus.86
^ Back to text1. I would like to thank Henrique Leitão and António Júlio Trigueiros S.J., for their helpful suggestions regarding the major trends of Jesuit historiography in modern Portugal and Robert Maryks for inviting me to write this essay.
^ Back to text3. In 1759, the Portuguese assistancy comprised one university and thirty-seven colleges scattered through the empire (sixteen in Portugal, twelve in Brazil, three in Azores and India, and one in Madeira, Angola, and Macao): Joaquim Veríssimo Serrão, História de Portugal (Lisbon: Verbo, 1982), 6:254. See also Manuel Antunes, “O Marquês de Pombal e os jesuítas,” in Como interpretar Pombal?: No bicentenário da sua morte (Lisbon: Brotéria, 1982), 25–142; António Júlio Trigueiros, “A expulsão e exílio dos Jesuítas de Évora em 1759,” in Universidade de Évora (1559–2009): 450 anos de modernidade educativa, ed. Sara Marques Pereira and Francisco Lourenço Vaz (Lisbon: Chiado Editora, 2012), 357–78. The estimate of twenty thousand students was established by António Leite, in his article “Pombal e o ensino secundário,” in Como interpreter Pombal?, 165–81, here 171.
^ Back to text4. Anti-Jesuitism has been a pervasive subject in Jesuit studies. The most recent and detailed books on anti-Jesuitism are: Michel Leroy, Le mythe jésuite: De Béranger à Michelet (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1992); Geoffrey Cubitt, The Jesuit Myth: Conspiracy,Theory and Politics in Nineteenth-Century France (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993), Sabina Pavone, The Wily Jesuits and the Monita secreta: The Forged Secret Instructions of the Jesuits; Myth and Reality (St. Louis, MO: Institute of Jesuit Sources, 2005) and Pierre-Antoine Fabre and Catherine Maires, eds., Les antijésuites: Discours, figures et lieux de l’antijésuitisme à l’époque modern (Rennes: Presses Universitaires de Rennes, 2010).
^ Back to text5. Francisco Malta Romeiras and Henrique Leitão, “The Role of Science in the History of Portuguese Anti-Jesuitism,” Journal of Jesuit Studies 2, no. 1 (2015): 77–99 (doi: 10.1163/22141332-00201004).
^ Back to text6. The 1759 expulsion led to the destruction or scattering of most manuscripts and printed sources pertaining to Assistentia Lusitaniae. The most important extant sources can be found in the following archives and libraries: Arquivo Nacional Ultramarino (Lisbon); Arquivo Nacional da Torre do Tombo (Lisbon), especially the collection Armário Jesuítico e Cartório dos Jesuítas; Biblioteca da Ajuda (Lisbon), particularly the collection Jesuítas na Ásia; Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal (Lisbon); and Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu (Rome), especially the collections Lus., Goan., Bras. and Jap.Sin. For the sources pertaining to Biblioteca Nacional that concern the 1759 expulsion see the catalog: Jorge Couto, ed., A expulsão dos jesuítas dos domínios portugueses: 250.º aniversário (Lisbon: Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal, 2009). For the sources pertaining to the collection Jesuítas na Ásia see: Francisco da Cunha Leão, ed., Jesuítas na Ásia: Catálogo e guia, 2 vols. (Macao-Lisbon: Instituto Cultural de Macau-Biblioteca da Ajuda, 1998). Some other sources can be found at the following libraries: Biblioteca Pública da Universidade de Coimbra (Coimbra), Biblioteca Pública de Évora (Évora), and Biblioteca da Academia das Ciências de Lisboa (Lisbon). For an accurate description of Jesuit sources pertaining to Assistentia Lusitaniae see: Dauril Alden, The Making of an Enterprise: The Society of Jesus in Portugal, Its Empire and Beyond, 1540–1750 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996), 683–89.
^ Back to text7. On these works see also: José Eduardo Franco, “Os catecismos antijesuíticos pombalinos: As obras fundadoras do antijesuitismo do Marquês de Pombal,” Revista lusófona de ciência das religiões 7/8 (2005): 247–68 and Emanuele Colombo and Niccolò Guasti, “The Expulsion and Suppression in Portugal and Spain: An Overview,” in The Jesuit Suppression in Global Context: Causes, Events, and Consequences, ed. Jeffrey D. Burson and Jonathan Wright (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015), 117–38.
^ Back to text8. Relação abbreviada da republica, que os religiosos jesuitas das provincias de Portugal, e Hespanha, estabelecerão nos dominios ultramarinos das duas monarquias, e da guerra, que nelles tem movido, e sustentado contra os exercitos hespanhoes e portuguezes; formada pelos registos das secretarias dos dous respectivos principaes commissarios, e plenipotenciarios; e outros documentos authenticos (Lisbon: n.p., 1757), 3.
^ Back to text9. Relação abreviada was translated into French, Spanish, Italian, German, and Latin, being widely distributed in Europe. According to Franco, twenty thousand copies were printed and distributed all over the Portuguese empire: Franco, “Os catecismos antijesuíticos pombalinos,” 249. Its massive circulation fuelled the publication of the brief In specula supremae dignitatis by Benedict XIV (r.1740–58) on April 1, 1758. The brief demanded the reform of the Society of Jesus in Portugal, and appointed Cardinal Dom Francisco de Saldanha da Gama (1723–76) as its visitor and reformer: Colombo and Guasti, “The Expulsion and Suppression in Portugal and Spain,” 121–23.
^ Back to text10. Dom José I de Portugal, Erros impios e sediciosos, que os religiosos da Companhia de Jesus ensinarão aos reos, que forão justiçados, e pertenderão espalhar nos póvos destes reynos (Lisbon: Officina de Miguel Rodrigues, impressor do Eminentíssimo Senhor Cardeal Patriarca, 1759).
^ Back to text11. José Seabra da Silva, Deducão chronológica e analítica na qual se manifestão pela sucessiva serie de cada hum dos reynados da Monarquia Portuguesa, que decorrerão desde o Governo do Senhor Rey D. João III até o presente, os horrorosos estragos, que a Companhia denominada de Jesus fez em Portugal, e todos os seus domínios por hum plano, e systema por ella inalteravelmente seguido desde que entrou neste Reyno, até que foi delle proscripta, e expulsa pela justa, sabia, e providente Ley de 3 de Setembro de 1759 (Lisbon: Officina de Miguel Manescal da Costa, 1767–68). Although the work indicates José Seabra da Silva as its author, it is clear today that it was Pombal who composed it: José Eduardo Franco and Christine Vogel, “Um acontecimento mediático na Europa das Luzes: A propaganda antijesuítica pombalina em Portugal e na Europa,” Brotéria 169 (2009): 349–506, here 363–64.
^ Back to text12. Junta de Providencia Litteraria, Compendio historico do estado da Universidade de Coimbra no tempo da invasão dos denominados jesuitas e dos estragos feitos nas sciencias e nos professores, e directores que a regiam pelas maquinações, e publicações dos novos estatutos por eles fabricados (Lisbon: Regia Officina Typographica, 1771).
^ Back to text13. The aim of Dedução cronológica e analítica was to demonstrate that the Jesuits, who had “no weapons apart from their impostures,” established a “tyrannical empire” that had been “such a terrible scourge for the crown, the arts, the Armory, the commerce, and the agriculture for more than two centuries in these realms and all their dominions.” Dedução cronológica e analítca, 1:i (translation mine). The first part of Dedução cronológica e analítica implied that the Jesuits caused the institutional decadence of the monarchy and the second part accused them of being responsible for the decline of the ecclesiastical institutions.
^ Back to text14. Dedução cronológica e analítca, 2:iv. In what concerns their educational enterprises, the Jesuits were accused of destroying the celebrated Colégio das Artes (founded in Coimbra in 1547) and of ruining the University of Coimbra, which they "subdued, prostituted, and darkened."
^ Back to text16. The decadence of the university, and particularly the decadence of medicine, was attributed to the Jesuits’ arrival and to the “poisonous root” of “Scholastic physics.” Compêndio histórico, ix–xii.
^ Back to text17. Luís António Verney, Verdadeiro metodo de estudar: Para ser util à republica, e à igreja; proporcionado ao estilo, e necesidade de Portugal (Valença: Antonio Balle, 1746) [reprint, Porto: Domingos Barreira, 1984]; Manuel do Cenáculo, Memórias históricas e apendix segundo a disposição da coleccção das disposições do superior provincial para a observância e estudos da Congregação da Ordem Terceira de São Francisco (Lisbon: n.p., 1794); António Ribeiro Sanches, Cartas sobre a educação da mocidade (Cologne: n.p., 1760) [reprint, Porto: Domingos Barreira, n.d.]; José Anastácio da Cunha, Notícias literárias de Portugal: 1780, trans. Joel Serrão (Lisbon: Seara Nova, 1971)]. O verdadeiro método de estudar and Verney’s opposition to the Jesuits’ teaching methods have been extensively studied in the past. See especially the works by António Alberto Banha de Andrade, Francisco Vieira Pires, José Vitorino de Pina Martins, Joaquim Ferreira, Luís Cabral de Moncada, Maria Luísa Borralho, Manuel Curado and Pedro Calafate.
^ Back to text18. See for instance the following anti-Jesuit “exhortative letter” and its “compulsory response”: Carta exhortatoria aos padres da Companhia de Jesus da provincia de Portugal (n.p.: n.p., 1754?), Biblioteca da Brotéria [hereafter BB], Bib-Controvérsia Pombalina 1 (misc.) and Francisco de Pina e de Melo, Resposta compulsoria à carta exhortatoria para que se retrate o seu author das calumnias que proferìo contra os reverendissimos padres da Companhia de Jesus da província de Portugal (Montemor-o-Velho: n.p., 1755), BB, Bib-Controvérsia Pombalina 2 (misc.).
^ Back to text19. José Caeiro, De exilio provinciae Lusitaniae Societatis Iesu libri quinque, Arquivo Nacional da Torre do Tombo [hereafter ANTT], Manuscritos da Livraria 2600–2602 and Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu [hereafter ARSI], Lus. 93, 94–1 and 94–2 [História da expulsão da Companhia de Jesus da província de Portugal (séc. XVIII), 3 vols., trans. Júlio de Morais and José Leite. (Lisbon: Verbo, 1991–99)]. Caeiro’s book became the most “canonical” description of the expulsion according to the Jesuits’ point of view. On José Caeiro see: Júlio de Morais, Historiador desconhecido: José Caeiro, grande escritor da época Pombalina (Braga: Livraria Cruz 1939).
^ Back to text20. José Caeiro, S.J., De exilio provinciarum transmarinarum assistentiae Lusitanae Societatis Iesu, ARSI, Lus. 94–3 [Jesuítas do Brasil e da Índia: Na perseguição do marquês de Pombal (século XVIII), trans. Manuel N. Martins (Baía: Escola Tipográfica Salesiana, 1936)]. Caeiro also wrote an apology in Portuguese that remains unpublished: José Caeiro and Timóteo de Oliveira, Apologia da Companhia de Jezus nos reynos e dominios de Portugal: na qual se mostra evidentemente a sua innocencia e se convencem, se fazem ver com os olhos, e tocar com as mãos as innumeraveis mentiras, falsidades, e calumnias, com que neste reino se maquinou a sua ruina: obra unicamente dirigida a huma justa defense, para restauração da sua fama, e para evitar no juizo da posteridade o escandalo de tão falsas, como enormess accuzações, ARSI Lus. 95.
^ Back to text21. Anselmo Eckert, Historia persecutionis Societatis Iesu in Lusitania (Nuremberg: n.p., 1779–80), ARSI Lus. 96 [reprint Memórias de um jesuíta prisioneiro de Pombal, trans. Joaquim Abranches, S.J. and Ana Maria Lago da Silva (Braga-São Paulo: Apostolado da Imprensa-Edições Loyola, 1987)]. Historia persecutionis Societatis Iesu was translated into French by Auguste Carayon, S.J. (1813–74) and published in the collection Documents inédits concernant la Compagnie de Jésus, 23 vols. (Poitiers: H. Oudin, 1863–86) with the title Les prisons du Marquis de Pombal minister de S.M. le roi du Portugal (1759–1777). It was also translated into Spanish with the title Historia de la persecución de la Compañia de Jesus, but this manuscript remained unpublished.
^ Back to text22. While describing his captivity at Forte de Almeida and Forte de São Julião da Barra, Eckart reported the annual arrivals of his brethren from the Assistentia Lusitaniae, the occasional releases, and the successive deaths in confinement. According to Trigueiros, of the 222 Jesuits incarcerated by Pombal, about eighty died in prison: Trigueiros, “Per nascere poca terra, per morire tutto il mondo,” 20.
^ Back to text23. Christoph Gottlieb von Murr, Geschichte der Jesuiten in Portugal unter der Staatsverwaltung des Marquis von Pombal (Nuremberg: Felsechrischen Buchhandlung, 1787–88) [reprint Historia dos Jesuitas no ministerio do Marques de Pombal: Extrahida de manuscriptos por Christovão Theophilo de Murr, ed. João Bautista Hafkemeyer (Porto Alegre: Typographia do Centro, 1923)].
^ Back to text25. Acácio Casimiro, “O govêrno de D. João VI e a restauração da Companhia de Jesus (1814–1815),” Brotéria 31 (1940): 469–75, here 470. In the aftermath of the first Napoleonic invasion, in November 1807, the court and the royal family fled to Brazil, where they resided from 1808 to 1821. On the history of the Napoleonic invasions see: Rui Ramos, “Invasões francesas, tutela inglesa e monarquia brasileira (1807–1820),” in História de Portugal, ed. Rui Ramos, Bernardo Vasconcelos e Sousa, Nuno Gonçalo Monteiro (Lisbon: Esfera dos Livros, 2009), 439–56.
^ Back to text26. “Officio do marquez de Aguiar para José Manuel Pinto de Sousa, ministro em Roma (1 de Abril de 1815),” in Supplemento á collecção dos tratados, convenções, contratos e actos publicos celebrados entre a corôa de Portugal e as mais potencias desde 1640, ed. Júlio Firmino Júdice Biker (Lisbon: Imprensa Nacional, 1879), 18:76–77.
^ Back to text29. The Portuguese mission was founded on March 15, and the Belgian Jesuit Philippe Delvaux (1787–1865) was its superior. During that period, they won back the Colégio das Artes (Coimbra, January 9, 1832) and the Colégio do Espírito Santo (Évora, September 10, 1832). With the arrival of the liberal troops, on July 24, 1833, the seventeen French Jesuits working in Coimbra were imprisoned. They boarded to Genoa on July 7, 1834, due to the intervention of the French ambassador. The Jesuits living in Lisbon, including Delvaux, superior of the Portuguese mission, had been deported to Italy and England in August 1833. In that same year, an anti-Jesuit booklet printed in Rio de Janeiro foretold the epilogue of the French mission: F.E.A.V., Manifestação dos crimes e attentados commetidos pelos jesuitas: Em todas as partes do mundo, desde a sua fundação até à sua extinção (Rio de Janeiro: Typ. de Miranda & Carneiro, 1833). On the establishment of the French mission see: Auguste Carayon, Lettres inédites du R. P. Joseph Delvaux sur le rétablissement des jésuites en Portugal: 1829–1834 (Paris: L’Écureux, 1866).
^ Back to text31. For the period concerning the new Society of Jesus, the most important manuscript and printed sources can be found in the following libraries and archives: Biblioteca da Brotéria, Arquivo da Província Portuguesa da Companhia de Jesus, Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal, and Arquivo Nacional da Torre do Tombo, all in Lisbon.
^ Back to text32. The Society of Jesus was informally restored in 1858. It was officially reinstated as Portuguese mission in 1863, and Francis Xavier Fulconis (1814–80) was its superior. By 1880, the mission comprised nine residencies and colleges in which there lived 137 Jesuits. As it seemed feasible, Superior General Peter Jan Beckx (in office, 1853–87) restored the Portuguese province on August 25, 1880. On the restoration of the Society of Jesus in 1858 see: Francisco Malta Romeiras, “A ciência da Companhia de Jesus nos séculos XIX e XX em Portugal,” Brotéria 179 (2014): 429–54 and Ciência, prestígio e devoção: Os jesuítas e a ciência em Portugal (séculos XIX e XX) (Cascais: Lucerna, 2015), 38–87. On Carlos Rademaker see: Nuno Olaio, “Carlos João Rademaker (1828–1885): Percurso do restaurador da Companhia de Jesus em Portugal,” Lusitania sacra 12 (2000) 65–119 and Ambrósio de Pina, Carlos Rademaker (1828–1885): Restaurador dos jesuítas em Portugal no século XIX (Porto: Livraria Apostolado da Imprensa, 1967) and Nuno Olaio, “Carlos João Rademaker (1828–1885): Percurso do restaurador da Companhia de Jesus em Portugal,” Lusitania sacra 12 (2000): 65–119.
^ Back to text33. These colleges targeted quite different sectors of society, with the Colégio de Campolide being directed mostly to the instruction of the higher bourgeoisie and aristocracy, and the Colégio de São Fiel to a lower-rank, countryside bourgeoisie. On the history of these colleges see: Malta Romeiras, Ciência, prestígio e devoção, 38–142.
^ Back to text34. On the scientific history of Brotéria see Francisco Malta Romeiras and Henrique Leitão, “One Century of Science: The Jesuit Journal Brotéria (1902–2002),” in Exploring Jesuit Distinctiveness: Interdisciplinary Perspectives on Ways of Proceeding within the Society of Jesus, ed. Robert A. Maryks (Leiden: Brill, 2016), 235–58 (doi: 10.1163/9789004313354_014) and Malta Romeiras, Ciência, prestígio e devoção, 143–270.
^ Back to text35. António de Araújo, Jesuítas e antijesuítas no Portugal republicano (Lisbon: Roma Editora, 2004), 10. During this period, the Jesuits were also involved in some religious quarrels, being the most important the controversy on the origin of life that opposed Miguel Bombarda (1851–1910) and Manuel Fernandes Santana (1864–1910): Manuel Fernandes Santana, Questões de biologia: O materialismo em face da sciencia; A propósito da consciência e livre arbítrio do Sr. Prof. Miguel Bombarda (Lisbon: Typographia da Casa Catholica, 1899–1900); Miguel Bombarda, A sciencia e o jesuitismo: Réplica a um padre sábio (Lisbon: António Maria Pereira, Livraria Editora: 1900). On nineteenth-century religious history in Portugal see: Manuel Clemente and António Matos Ferreira, eds., Religião e secularização (Lisbon: Círculo de Leitores, 2002); Manuel Clemente, Igreja e sociedade portuguesa: Do liberalismo à República (Porto: Assírio & Alvim, 2012); Luís Machado de Abreu and José Eduardo Franco, eds., Ordens e congregações religiosas no contexto da I Repúbica (Lisbon: Gradiva, 2010); Luís Machado de Abreu, Ensaios anticlericais (Lisbon: Roma Editora, 2004).
^ Back to text36. Some of the most relevant personalities were Adolfo Coelho (1847–1919), Antero de Quental (1842–91), Guerra Junqueiro (1850–1923), Miguel Bombarda (1851–1910), Sampaio Bruno (1857–1915), Teófilo Braga (1843–1924), Manuel Borges Grainha (1862–1925), Joaquim de Sousa Refóios (1853–1905), and José Ramos Preto (1871–1949).
^ Back to text39. His magnum opus was História do colégio de Campolide da Companhia de Jesus (Coimbra: Imprensa da Universidade de Coimbra, 1913) [reprint Histoire du collége de Campolide et de la résidence des jésuites à Lisbonne (Lisbon: A Editora Limitada, 1914)]. Presented as a scientific history of the colégio de Campolide, this book included the transcription of the annuae litterae found at the college by the republican revolution in 1910 and their vernacular translation. Besides, it also included a long and detailed preface, with more than seventy pages, where Borges Grainha accused the Jesuits of being illiterate and manipulative clerics obsessed with power. He published several other anti-Jesuit works, being the most important: Os jesuitas e as congregações religiosas em Portugal nos ultimos trinta annos (Porto: Empreza Litteraria e Typographica, 1891) and O Portugal jesuita (Lisbon: Typographia e Sterotypia Moderna, 1893).
^ Back to text40. Teófilo Braga, As lendas christãs (Porto: Livraria Internacional de Ernesto Chardron, 1892). See also: Origens poéticas do christianismo (Porto: Livraria Universal de Magalhães & Moniz, 1880) and Soluções positivas da politica portugueza: Obras políticas (Porto: Livraria Chardron, de Mello & Irmão, 1912).
^ Back to text41. Antero de Quental, A decadência dos povos peninsulares (Porto: Typographia Comercial, 1871) [reprint, As conferências do casino, ed. Carlos Reis (Lisbon: Alfa, 1990), 95–128]. He repeated the thesis defended by Alexandre Herculano (1810–77) in his Da origem e estabelecimento da Inquisição em Portugal (Lisbon: Imprensa Nacional, 1854–59) [reprint History of the Origin and Establishment of the Inquisition in Portugal, trans. John C. Branner (New York: Ktav Publishing House, 1972)].
^ Back to text43. Teófilo Braga, História da Universidade de Coimbra (Lisbon: Typographia da Academia Real das Ciencias, 1892–1902). For the period concerning the Jesuits in Coimbra see volumes II (1555–1700) and III (1700–1800).
^ Back to text44. Malta Romeiras and Leitão, “The Role of Science,” 95. Afonso Costa (1871–1937), Miguel Bombarda (1851–1910), and António José de Almeida (1866–1929) insisted on the expulsion of the Jesuits and their rhetoric was profoundly rooted in the Pombaline line of reasoning. The parliamentarian Tomás Ribeiro (1831–1901) publicly denounced the contradiction of many anti-Jesuit accusations, especially those concerning education. He condemned Portuguese politicians for their hypocrisy, since they chose Jesuit colleges for the education of their children, doing the opposite for what they publicly stood up in the parliament or wrote in the press: Câmara dos Pares do Reino, Sessão de 10 de Junho de 1887 and Sessão de 15 de Junho de 1891.
^ Back to text45. Joaquim Pedro Oliveira Martins, História da civilização ibérica (Lisbon: Bertrand, 1879) [reprint, Lisbon: Guimarães Editores, 2007] and Oliveira Martins, História de Portugal (Lisbon: Bertrand, 1880) [reprint, Lisbon: Guimarães Editores, 2010].
^ Back to text46. Tomaz Lino de Assumpção, ed., História geral da Companhia de Jesus, desde a fundação até aos nossos dias (Lisbon: Empreza da História de Portugal, 1901) [reprint História geral dos Jesuítas (Rio de Janeiro: Moraes Editores, 1982)].
^ Back to text51. Joaquim Augusto de Sousa Refóios, O collegio de São Fiel no Louriçal do Campo e o de Nossa Senhora da Conceição na Covilhã: Apontamentos sobre o jesuitismo no districto de Castello-Branco (Coimbra: Imprensa da Universidade de Coimbra, 1883). In response to this report, António Mendes Lages wrote O Sr. Marianno de Carvalho e o Collegio de S. Fiel (Lisbon: Typographia da Cruz do Operário, 1883).
^ Back to text54. Malta Romeiras, Ciência, prestígio e devoção, 45–46. In 1910, the Portuguese province comprised 147 priests, 101 scholastics, and 112 temporal coadjutors. By that time, the Jesuits had established two pre-university colleges (Campolide and São Fiel), one novitiate (Barro, Torres Vedras), one college for scholastics studying philosophy (São Francisco, Setúbal), one apostolic school (Guimarães), and several residencies. See also Francisco Rodrigues, A formação intellectual do jesuíta: Leis e factos (Porto: Livraria Magalhães e Moniz, 1917), 596.
^ Back to text55. The most important colleges established during this period were the Instituto Nun’Alvres and the Brazilian Colégio António Vieira (São Salvador da Baía, 1911). Proclaimed heir of the Colégio de Campolide, the Instituto Nun’Alvres was constantly moved. Established in Dieleghem (1912–14), on the outskirts of Brussels, it was successively transferred to Los Placeres (1914–16) and La Guardia (1916–32), both in Spain, and finally to Santo-Tirso (1932–), in Portugal, where it still functions today. On the history of the Instituto Nun’Alvres see: José Carvalhais, 80 anos na educação (1912–1992): Instituto Nun’Alvres (Caldas da Saúde: Instituto Nun’Alvres, 1992).
^ Back to text56. Luís Gonzaga de Azevedo, Proscritos: Noticias circunstanciadas do que passaram os religiosos da Companhia de Jesus na revolução de Portugal de 1910 (Valladolid: Florencio de Lara, 1911–14).
^ Back to text57. In the preface, the Portuguese provincial, Luís Gonzaga Cabral (1866–1939), compared the reading of Proscritos to the “admirable” and “edifying” reading of Imagem da virtude by António Franco: Luís Gonzaga Cabral S.J., Preface to Proscritos, vi–vii. António Franco wrote the most important eighteenth-century hagiographic biographies of Portuguese Jesuits: Ano santo da Companhia de Jesus em Portugal, ed. Francisco Rodrigues (Porto: n.p., 1930); Imagem da virtude em o noviciado da Companhia de Jesus do real collegio do Espirito Santo de Evora do reyno de Portugal (Lisbon: n.p. 1714); Imagem da virtude em o noviciado da Companhia de Jesu na corte de Lisboa (Coimbra: n.p., 1717); Imagem da virtude em o noviciado da Companhia de Jesus no real collegio de Jesus de Coimbra em Portugal (Eìvora: Officina da Universidade, 1719).
^ Back to text58. On the apprehension and partial restitution of the Jesuits’ scientific books, instruments, and collections see: Francisco Malta Romeiras, “Constituição e percurso das colecções científicas dos jesuítas exilados pela 1ª República: O caso de Carlos Zimmermann S.J. (1871–1950),” Archivum historicum Societatis Iesu 86, no. 168 (2015): 287–327. Clearly inspired by the works of Refóios (1883) and Ferrão (1910), Ramos Preto accused the teachers of São Fiel of being greedy, manipulative, and reactionary. Despite recognizing the existence of a physics cabinet, a chemistry laboratory, and a museum of natural history, he disregarded the taxonomical work executed by the Jesuits and their students, and the regular functioning of the meteorological observatory: José Ramos Preto, Relatório sobre extinto colégio de São Fiel da Companhia de Jesus (Lisbon: Typographia Maurício, 1911), 26. In his response, Azevedo Mendes criticized the hypocrisy of his opponent by pointing out that he was a local jurist and paid subscriber of Brotéria. Since Ramos Preto was perfectly aware of the scientific activities carried out in São Fiel and its outskirts, Azevedo Mendes complained about the several unsuccessful attempts to retrieve their books, collections, and instruments: Cândido de Azevedo Mendes., O collegio de São Fiel: Resposta ao relatório do Sr. Advogado José Ramos Preto (Madrid: Imp. de Gabriel López del Horno, 1911), 66.
^ Back to text60. João Lúcio de Azevedo, Os jesuítas no Grão-Pará: Suas missões e a colonização; Bosquejo histórico com vários documentos inéditos (Lisbon: Livraria Editora Tavares Cardoso & Irmão, 1901); Os jesuítas e a Inquisição em conflito no século XVII (Lisbon: Tavares Cardoso, 1901); O Marquês de Pombal e a sua época (Lisbon: Clássica Editora, 1909); História de António Vieira: Com factos e documentos novos (Lisbon: Clássica Editora de A. M. Teixeira, 1918–20).
^ Back to text61. Francisco Rodrigues (1883–1956), Serafim Leite (1890–1969), Domingos Maurício (1896–1978), Mário Martins (1908–90), António Leite (1911–2004), João Pereira Gomes (1917–2002), and Manuel Antunes (1918–85) were the most distinguished Jesuit historians of this generation. For an overview of their work see: António Júlio Trigueiros, "Posfácio: O padre Mário Martins e os Jesuítas historiadores do século XX," in É perigoso sintetizar a Idade Média: Literatura medieval e interfaces europeias na obra de Mário Martins, ed. Maria Isabel Morán Cabanas, José Eduardo Franco (Lisbon: Esfera do Caos, 2015), 245–55.
^ Back to text62. Francisco Rodrigues S.J., Os jesuítas e Monita secreta (Rome: Typographia Pontifícia no Instituto Pio IX, 1912) and Jesuitophobia: Resposta serena a uma diatribe (Porto: Typographia Luzitania Editora, 1917).
^ Back to text64. Before the publication of História da Companhia de Jesus, most of Rodrigues’s historical work was focused on Jesuit science and education. See, especially, A formação intellectual do jesuíta: Leis e factos (Porto: Livraria Magalhães e Moniz, 1917), Jesuítas portugueses astrónomos na China. 1583–1805 (Porto: Tipografia Porto Médico, 1925) and “Mathemáticos portugueses na China,” Revista de história 12 (1923): 81–118. Along História da Companhia de Jesus, Rodrigues dedicated several chapters to Jesuit astronomers and mathematicians pertaining to Assistentia Lusitaniae, namely Inácio Vieira (1678–1739), Manuel de Campos (1681–1758), Inácio Monteiro (1724–1812), Giovanni Battista Carbone (1694–1750), and Domenico Capacci (1694–1736).
^ Back to text66. For the Cursus Conimbricensis see, especially, the works of Alfredo Dinis, Amândio Coxito, António Alberto Banha de Andrade, Cassiano Abranches, Domingos Maurício, José Bacelar e Oliveira, Josué Pinharanda Gomes, Mário Santiago de Carvalho, and Torquato de Sousa Soares. The most recent work on the Conimbricensis is: Cristiano Casalini, Aristóteles em Coimbra: Cursus Conimbricensis e a educação no Collegium Artium (Coimbra: Imprensa da Universidade de Coimbra, 2015). As for Pedro da Fonseca, see the works of Amândio Coxito, António Manuel Martins, Cassiano Abranches, João Pedro Madeira, Joaquim Ferreira Gomes, Miguel Baptista Pereira, Mário Santiago de Carvalho, Manuel dos Santos Alves, Pedro Calafate, and Severiano Tavares. For an overview of the history of philosophy in early modern Portugal, see: Pedro Calafate, ed., História do pensamento filosófico português. Volume II: Renascimento e Contra-Reforma (Lisbon: Caminho, 2001). Some attention has also been paid to De institutione grammatica libri tres (1572) by the Jesuit Manuel Álvares (1526–83), and to De arte rhetorica (1562) by the Jesuit Cyprian Soarez (1524–93). On the former see the works of Carlos Assunção, Simão Cardoso, Gonçalo Fernandes, Rui Nepomuceno, António Guimarães Pinto, Rogelio Ponce de León, Rolf Kemler, and Emilio Springhetti. On the latter, see the works of Lawrence Flynn, and the more recent A History of Renaissance Rhetoric: 1380–1620 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011), by Peter Mack, especially 177–82.
^ Back to text68. On the teaching of mathematics at the Lisbon college see: Luís de Albuquerque, “A ‘Aula de Esfera’ do Colégio de Santo Antão no século XVII,” Estudos de História (Coimbra: Acta Universitatis Conimbrigensis, 1974), 2:127–200. For the works of João Pereira Gomes on Jesuit science and education see: Henrique Leitão and José Eduardo Franco, eds., Jesuítas, ciência e cultura em Portugal: Obra selecta do Pe. João Pereira Gomes SJ (Lisbon: Esfera do Caos, 2012).
^ Back to text69. António Alberto Banha de Andrade, A reforma pombalina dos estudos secundários (1759–1771):. Contribuição para a história da pedagogia em Portugal (Coimbra: Acta Universitatis Conimbrigensis, 1981); História do ensino em Portugal: Desde a fundação da nacionalidade até ao fim do regime de Salazar-Caetano (Lisbon: Fundação Calouste Gulbenkian, 1986). On the Pombaline reforms see also: Rómulo de Carvalho, História da fundação do Colégio Real dos Nobres de Lisboa (Coimbra: Atlântida-Livraria Editora, 1959) and Carvalho, “As ciências exactas no tempo de Pombal,” in Como interpretar Pombal?: No bicentenário da sua morte (Lisbon: Brotéria, 1982), 215–32.
^ Back to text70. Carvalho also highlighted the importance of the two Jesuit observatories for the progress of eighteenth-century positional astronomy: Rómulo de Carvalho, A astronomia em Portugal no século XVIII (Lisbon: Instituto de Cultura e Língua Portuguesa-Ministério da Educação, 1985).
^ Back to text71. The history of sciences in Assistentia Lusitaniae has been extensively studied during the last two decades by historians such as Ugo Baldini, Henrique Leitão, Noël Golvers, Ines G. Županov, Florence C. Hsia, Alfredo Dinis, António Costa Canas, Luís Carolino, Carlos Ziller Camenietzki, Bernardo Mota, Luís Tirapicos Samuel Gessner, Catherine Jami, Luís Saraiva, André Ferrand de Almeida, Rui Magone, and José Miguel Pinto dos Santos to name only a few.
^ Back to text72. The historiography of the Portuguese Jesuit missions in Brazil, East Asia, and Africa largely exceeds the aim of this essay. However, it should be acknowledged the importance of these works for the emergence of a new generation of scholars focused on the economic, scientific, educational, artistic, and cultural aspects of these missions. See, especially, the works of Liam Brockey, Nicolas Standaert, Luís Filipe Barreto, Luís Filipe Thomaz, João Paulo Oliveira e Costa, Ângela Barreto Xavier, António Vasconcelos Saldanha, William Francis Rea, Nuno Gonçalves, Francisco Correia., Leonardo Cohen, and Andreu Martínez d’Alòs-Moner. For a recent historiography of Jesuit missions see: Ronnie Po-chia Hsia, “Jesuit Foreign Missions: A Historiographical Essay,” Journal of Jesuit Studies 1, no. 1 (2014): 47–65 (doi: 10.1163/22141332-00101004). For an overview of the Portuguese Atlantic missions in the seventeenth century see: Alden, The Making of an Enterprise, 206–26. For a historiographical review on the mission in Ethiopia see: Leonardo Cohen and Andreu Martínez d’Alòs-Moner, “The Jesuit Mission in Ethiopia (16th and 17th Centuries): An Analytical Bibliography,” Aethiopica: International Journal of Ethiopian and Eritrean Studies 9 (2006): 190–212.
^ Back to text73. Serafim Leite, Histoìria da Companhia de Jesus no Brasil, 10 vols. (Lisbon-Rio de Janeiro: Livraria Portugaìlia-Civilização Brasileira, 1938–50). Imbued by the methods of scientific history, the monumental História da Companhia de Jesus no Brasil was supported by the description and analysis of a massive corpus of Jesuit primary sources. Its objective was to provide a diachronic narrative of the Brazilian province from 1549 to 1750. Leite also edited the Monumenta Brasiliae: 1538–1565, 5 vols. (Rome: Monumenta Historica Societatis Iesu, 1956–68).
^ Back to text74. Joseph Wicki, ed., Documenta Indica, 18 vols. (Rome: Monumenta Historica Societatis Iesu, 1948–88); Joseph Needham et al., eds., Science and Civilization in China (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1954–); António da Silva Rêgo, ed., Documentação para a história das missões do Padroado Português do Oriente, 12 vols. (Lisbon: Agência Geral das Colónias, 1947–58). The works of Charles R. Boxer (1902–2004) were particularly important for the historiography of the Portuguese empire. See, especially, Charles R. Boxer, The Christian Century in Japan: 1549–1650 (Berkeley-London: University of California Press-Cambridge University Press, 1951); Boxer, The Portuguese Seaborne Empire: 1415–1825 (London: Hutchinson and Co., 1969).
^ Back to text75. Camillo Beccari, ed., Rerum Aethiopicarum scriptores occidentales inediti a saeculo XVI ad XIX, 15 vols. (Rome: Excudebat C. de Luigi, 1903–17); António da Silva Rêgo, T. W. Baxter, eds., Documentos sobre os portugueses em Moçambique e na Africa central, 1497–1840, 9 vols. (Lisbon: Centro de Estudos Históricos Ultramarinos—National Archives of Rhodesia and Nyasaland, 1962–89).
^ Back to text76. On the interior missions see: Franquelim Neiva Soares, “Duas missões dos jesuítas do Colégio de S. Paulo da diocese de Braga,” Theologica 12 (1977): 145–89; Francisco Eugénio dos Santos, “As missões do interior em Portugal na época moderna,” Bracara Augusta 85–86 (1984): 5–31; Joaquim Chorão Lavajo, “Os jesuítas e as missões no Alentejo no século XVI,” Igreja Eborense: Boletim de cultura e vida da arquidiocese de Évora 15 (1991): 27–50; Federico Palomo, Fazer dos campos escolas excelentes: Os jesuiìtas de Èvora e as missões do interior em Portugal (1551–1630) (Lisbon: Fundação Calouste Gulbenkian—Fundação para a Ciência e Tecnologia, 2003).
^ Back to text78. For an excellent historiographical review of Jesuit art see: “‘Le style jésuite n’existe pas’: Jesuit Corporate Culture and the Visual Arts,” in The Jesuits: Cultures, Sciences and the Arts, 1540–1773, ed. John W. O’Malley et al. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1999), 38–89.
^ Back to text79. See, especially, the works of Gauvin Alexander Bailey, David M. Kowal, Marilyn Heldman, Carlos de Azevedo, Alexandra Curvelo, Cristina Osswald, Nuno Vassallo e Silva, Manuel Teixeira, Mário T. Chicó, Beatriz Santos de Oliveira, Maria Inês Coutinho, Naoko Frances Hioki, and Noriko Kotani.
^ Back to text80. Fausto Sanches Martins, Os jesuítas de Portugal, 1542–1759 (Porto: Fausto Sanches Martins, 2014); Inês Gato de Pinho, De colégio de S. Francisco Xavier a palácio Fryxell: História e análise arquitectónica (Setúbal: Instituto Politécnico de Setúbal, 2013); Eugénio da Cunha e Freitas, O Colégio de S. Lourenço: Alguns documentos para a história da Igreja dos Grilos do Porto (Porto: Livraria Fernando Machado, 1969); Rui Carita, O colégio dos jesuítas no Funchal (Funchal: Secretaria Regional de Educação, 1987); Maria João Madeira Rodrigues, A capela de S. João Baptista e as as suas colecções: Na Igreja de S. Roque em Lisboa (Lisbon: Inapa, 1989); Ricardo Lucas Branco, “A igreja do colégio de Santo Antão-o-Novo: Estudo de um paradigma desaparecido,” Revista de história da arte 9 (2012): 17–37.
^ Back to text81. Nuno Vassallo e Silva, ed., O puìlpito e a imagem: Os jesuiìtas e a arte (Lisbon: Santa Casa da Misericórdia de Lisba-Museu de São Roque, 1996); Nuno Vassallo e Silva, “Art at the Service of God: The Impact of the Society of Jesus in Portugal,” in Jesuits II, 182–210.
^ Back to text82. These tiles were applied on the walls of the mathematics room and most of them displayed geometrical diagrams from Tacquet’s popular edition of the Elements of Euclid. From about two hundred azulejos pertaining to the Jesuit college of Coimbra, only thirty are known today: Henrique Leitão and Samuel Gessner, “Euclid in Tiles: The Mathematical azulejos of the Jesuit College in Coimbra,” Mathematische Semesterberichte 61 (2014): 1–5, Carlota Simões and Antònio Leal Duarte, eds., Azulejos que ensinam (Coimbra: Museu Nacional Machado de Castro-Universidade de Coimbra, 2007).
^ Back to text83. For a comprehensive global history of Portuguese anti-Jesuitism see: José Eduardo Franco, O mito dos jesuítas em Portugal, no Brasil e no Oriente (séculos XVI a XX) (Lisbon: Gradiva, 2006). On eighteenth-century anti-Jesuitism in Portugal see also: António Júlio Trigueiros, S.J., “‘O negócio jesuítico’ e o papel da política regalista portuguesa,” Brotéria 169 (2009), 149–67 and Dauril Alden, “The Gang of Four and the Campaign against the Jesuits in Brazil,” in Jesuits II, 707–24. On the history of nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Portuguese anti-Jesuitism see: José Eduardo Franco, “Da extinção à restauração dos jesuítas: Construção e reprodução do mito dos jesuítas de matriz pombalina no século XIX,” Brotéria 179 (2014): 401–28; António de Araújo, Jesuítas e antijesuítas no Portugal republicano (Lisbon: Roma Editora, 2004) and Luís Machado de Abreu, Ensaios anticlericais (Lisbon: Roma Editora, 2004).
^ Back to text84. For an analysis of the complex interactions between the Jesuits and the Inquisition in the Portuguese empire see, especially, Mário Brandão, A Inquisição e os professores do Colégio das Artes, 2 vols. (Coimbra: Universidade de Coimbra, 1948–69); Célia Cristina Tavares, Jesuítas e inquisidores em Goa (Lisbon: Roma Editora, 2004); Célia Cristina Tavares and José Eduardo Franco, Jesuítas e Inquisição: Cumplicidades e confrontações (Lisbon: Sinais de Fogo, 2012); Claude B. Stuczynski, “Negotiating Relationship: Jesuits and Portuguese Conversos: A Reassessment ”, in “The Tragic Couple”: Encounters between Jews and Jesuits, ed. James Bernauer and Robert A. Maryks (Leiden: Brill, 2013), 43–61.
^ Back to text85. Recently, the Jesuit journal Brotéria published the proceedings of a conference held in Lisbon on the Pombaline expulsion and restoration of the Society of Jesus in the nineteenth century. This issue includes the most recent scholarship on this subject. On the reception of the bull Sollicitudo omnium ecclesiarum in Portugal see: Nuno da Silva Gonçalves, “Pombal e a restauração da Companhia de Jesus,” 319–38. For the period between 1829 and 1834 see: Francisca Veiga, “O breve regresso da Companhia de Jesus no reinado de D. Miguel (1829–1834),” Brotéria 174 (2014): 387–400. On the restoration of the Society of Jesus in Portugal see also: Nuno da Silva Gonçalves, “Jesuítas,” in Dicionário de história religiosa de Portugal, ed. Carlos Moreira de Azevedo (Lisbon: Círculo de Leitores, 2000–2001), 3:21–31, here 27–28 and António de Araújo and António Lopes, “Jesuítas,” in Dicionário histórico das ordens e instituições afins em Portugal, ed. José Eduardo Franco et al. (Lisbon: Gradiva, 2010), 195–206, especially 199–201. On the universal restoration of the Society of Jesus see: Robert A. Maryks and Jonathan Wright, eds., Jesuit Survival and Restoration: A Global History, 1773–1900 (Leiden: Brill, 2014).
^ Back to text86. On the journal Brotéria see: José Eduardo Franco, Brotar educação: História da Brotéria e da evolução do seu pensamento pedagógico (Lisbon: Roma Editora, 1999); Hermínio Rico and José Eduardo Franco, eds., Fé, ciência, cultura: Brotéria; 100 anos (Lisbon: Gradiva, 2003); Francisco Malta Romeiras, Ciência, prestígio e devoção: Os jesuítas e a ciência em Portugal (séculos XIX e XX) (Cascais: Lucerna, 2015). On the journal Novo mensageiro do coração de Jesus see: José António Ribeiro de Carvalho, Católicos nas vésperas da I República: Os jesuítas e a sociedade portuguesa; O novo Mensageiro do coração de Jesus (1881–1910) (Porto: Livraria Civilização Editora, 2009). See also: José Eduardo Franco, ed., Obra completa do Padre Manuel Antunes, 14 vols. (Lisbon: Fundação Calouste Gulbenkian, 2007–12); Francisco Malta Romeiras and Henrique Leitão, eds., Obra selecta do Padre Luís Archer, S.J. (1926–2011), 4 vols. (Lisbon: Fundação Calouste Gulbenkian, 2015–16).